Andrea Kaiser
Biographic Data
| ID | 80219 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Andrea Kaiser |
| GIVEN NAMES | Andrea |
| FAMILY NAME | Kaiser |
| SIGNATURE | KAISER A |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Cologne |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-6633-2452 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 34 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 493 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 34 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1996 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2025 |
| H-INDEX | 12 |
Do citizens approve of technocrats? Analyzing attitudes toward technocrats in thirty-one European democracies 1999–2021
This study examines citizens’ attitudes toward technocratic ministers in European democracies. While previous research has focused on either the supply-side factors driving technocratic appointments or individual-level determinants of public support, this paper bridges these disconnected literatures through a multi-method approach. Using a novel dataset on technocratic ministers, we employ latent class analysis to identify two distinct environmen…
How constitutional and institutional rules affect non-partisan ministerial appointments
Previous analyses of the presence of non-partisans in cabinets consider the relative power of presidents as the explanatory factor. However, their analysis either uses indices of presidential power or is in terms of regime type – semi-presidential, parliamentary, or monarchical. Using a novel dataset on non-partisan appointments in 30 European democracies, we deploy an innovative two-step fractional response regression. This enables us to disenta…
Studying Multi-Level Systems with Cross-Level Data
Most political systems consist of multiple layers. Yet datasets are predominantly situated at a single territorial tier, encouraging methodological nationalism, regionalism, and localism. We present three new integrated datasets that include electoral, institutional, ideological, and government composition data on the country and regional level (RD|CED, RED and RPSD). With this data, we cover 337 country elections on the regional level, 2,226 reg…
German centralization strategy during Covid-19
During COVID-19 countries centralized decisions from regional to national government • -The German centralization strategy observed during COVID-19 is a temporary trend • -Before COVID-19, in Germany, power shifts at national level were primarily relevant • -Long-term changes in decision-making structures weaken non-government institutions • -Simultaneously, national government institutions are strengthened in the long term In response to the COV…
The European Union agenda in Erdogan’s argumentative discourse
The ‘competitive authoritarian’ turn in Turkey
Turkey’s fast-paced democratic backsliding has attracted unprecedented scholarly interest from observers both inside and outside the country. Among various labels proposed to define Turkey’s new regime type, ‘competitive authoritarianism’ (CA) has by far outdistanced its rivals. As plenty of time has passed since its coinage, it is timely to commence a scholarly discussion on the appropriateness of the term. Our analysis reveals that the CA argum…
Multilevel governance and women's legislative representation
Research shows that electoral systems, gender quotas and a country's socio‐economic development affect women's legislative representation (WLR). Less attention is paid to the effects of the rise of regional political arenas and multilevel politics on WLR. Due to less costly and competitive electoral campaigns, women can have easier access to regional legislatures. We argue that this relationship is mitigated by the distribution of competences bet…
Does the Electoral System Foster a Predominant Party System? Evidence from Turkey
This paper discusses the role of the electoral system in making the Justice and Development Party (AKP) dominant. Drawing on Sartori’s framework, we first clarify the concept of a predominant party system. Second, we examine the impact of the electoral system on the emergence of a predominant party system in Turkey. Analysing election results, we argue that the electoral system fosters dominance in three ways. First, a combination of electoral fo…
Conceptualizing, Measuring, and Theorizing Dynamic De/Centralization in Federations
This article develops a conceptual, methodological, and theoretical framework for analyzing dynamic de/centralization in federations. It first reviews the literature and outlines the research design and methods adopted. It then conceptualizes static de/centralization and describes the seven-point coding scheme we employed to measure it across twenty-two policy areas and five fiscal categories at ten-year intervals since the establishment of a fed…
Dynamic De/Centralization in Federations
This article presents the conclusions of the project Why Centralization and Decentralization in Federations?, which analyzed dynamic de/centralization in Australia, Canada, Germany, India, Switzerland, and the United States over their entire life span. It highlights six main conclusions. First, dynamic de/centralization is complex and multidimensional; it cannot be captured by fiscal data alone. Second, while centralization was the dominant trend…
Dynamic De/Centralization in Germany, 1949–2010
As part of the project Why Centralization and Decentralization in Federations?, this article measures dynamic de/centralization in Germany since 1949 and seeks to explain the patterns observed. It shows stability in numerous policy fields as well as an overall marked centralization over time, especially in the fiscal and administrative spheres. The principal instrument of dynamic de/centralization has been the enactment of legislation in fields o…
Federal-level Government Participation and State-level Electoral Performance
To what extent does the federal political arena contaminate the regional one in Germany? Does a party's position as government or opposition on the federal level have a systematic impact on its performance in Land elections? Land elections are often characterised as second order elections, but existing empirical studies that use real election data suffer from important methodological problems. Unlike previous approaches using survey data or compa…
Why accommodate minorities asymmetrically? A theory of ideological authority insulation
Tensions between regionalist claimants and state‐wide governments remain the primary source of violent conflicts. Existing theories cannot systematically explain why and when state‐wide governments accede to such claims. Building on the partisan approaches developed so far, a theory of ideological authority insulation is constructed in this article. It is argued that the willingness of state‐wide parties to transfer authority to specific territor…
Centre‐Periphery Conflict and Ideological Distance in Turkey
This article integrates ideology into a game‐theoretical model of centre‐periphery bargains. Ideological differences between national and sub‐national elites constitute a major obstacle for the accommodation of autonomy claims. While reforms bringing about decentralization are often analysed systematically as well as through case studies, cases where, despite claims to autonomy, decentralization does not occur have been largely neglected by schol…
Does the mode of candidate selection affect the representativeness of parties
In this article, we analyse the impact of intra-party procedures of candidate selection for national elections on the representativeness of parties towards their voters. With regard to candidate selection we distinguish between two dimensions: inclusion and centralization. While the first identifies the type of selectorate for candidate nominations (members, delegates or committees), the second captures the territorial unit in which the nominatio…
Combining Federalism and Decentralization
Studies evaluating the effects of territorial state organization on the performance of democratic political systems produce ambiguous results. The authors argue that research so far has suffered from insufficiently conceptualizing federalism and decentralization as two distinct dimensions. This article makes use of the advantages of a nested design and detects micro-level causal mechanisms underlying statistically confirmed effects. The authors c…
Taking Others into Account
Research on the formal properties of democratic aggregation mechanisms has a long tradition in political science. Recent theoretical developments, however, show that in the discussion of normative contents of democratic decisions, the actual shape of preferences deserves just as much attention. However, our knowledge about the concrete motivations of individual behavior in democratic decisions is incomplete. Using laboratory experiments, this art…
Linkages between Parliamentary and Ministerial Careers in Germany, 1949–2008
Delegation theory assumes strong direct links between the parliamentary majority and the government in parliamentary democracies. Based on a data set of career characteristics for all federal cabinet ministers in Germany 1949 to 2008, we test whether the Bundestag serves as the dominant recruitment pool throughout the period, whether party membership of ministers is a sine qua non, and whether non-party members and/or non-MPs seek membership as s…
Repräsentationschancen in interaktiven Nominierungsverfahren Ein Vergleich der Aufstellung von Parteilisten bei deutschen Landtagswahlen
Wahlsysteme und Frauenrepräsentation – Ein Vergleich der deutschen Landesparlamente
ZPol Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft , Seite 167 - 184
Parliamentary Opposition in Westminster Democracies
Based on an actor-centred institutionalist approach, parliamentary oppositions in Westminster democracies are analysed through three dimensions. Firstly, through institutional opportunity structures for opposition parties: in all four countries there are comparatively few opportunities for the opposition to affect policy-making. However, there are variances between the four countries and they change over time. Secondly, they are analysed through …
Ticket-balancing in mixed-member proportional systems. Comparing sub-national elections in Germany
The Push and Pull of Ministerial Resignations in Germany, 1969–2005
When and why are cabinet ministers forced out of office? We argue that ministerial resignations cannot be understood as mechanistic consequences of serious personal or departmental errors as the classical responsibility hypothesis implies. Rather, they follow a systematic political logic. Cabinet ministers have to resign whenever the prime minister perceives the political costs of a minister staying in office to be higher than the benefits of kee…
Locating Political Parties in Policy Space
Starting from a number of deficiencies in the Comparative Manifestos Project approach to studying left–right policy scales in election programs, an additive model based on the distinction between position and valence issues is proposed. This allows analysis of the policy space in established democracies under the assumption that left and right have different meanings from country to country and over time. The model is illustrated with regard to f…
The Fine Art of Government
Locating Political Parties in Policy Space
Starting from a number of deficiencies in the Comparative Manifestos Project approach to studying left–right policy scales in election programs, an additive model based on the distinction between position and valence issues is proposed. This allows analysis of the policy space in established democracies under the assumption that left and right have different meanings from country to country and over time. The model is illustrated with regard to f…
Types of Democracy
Discussion of concepts in empirical democratic theory has proceeded down two main lines: in terms of theory, from classical institutionalism to new institutionalism; in terms of substance, from the traditional notion of the separation of powers to ever more refined versions of that doctrine. The article contrasts three stages of development and discusses their relevance for contemporary research: the conventional types of parliamentary vs preside…
Parliamentary Opposition in Westminster Democracies
Based on an actor-centred institutionalist approach, parliamentary oppositions in Westminster democracies are analysed through three dimensions. Firstly, through institutional opportunity structures for opposition parties: in all four countries there are comparatively few opportunities for the opposition to affect policy-making. However, there are variances between the four countries and they change over time. Secondly, they are analysed through …
Conceptualizing, Measuring, and Theorizing Dynamic De/Centralization in Federations
This article develops a conceptual, methodological, and theoretical framework for analyzing dynamic de/centralization in federations. It first reviews the literature and outlines the research design and methods adopted. It then conceptualizes static de/centralization and describes the seven-point coding scheme we employed to measure it across twenty-two policy areas and five fiscal categories at ten-year intervals since the establishment of a fed…
Does the mode of candidate selection affect the representativeness of parties
In this article, we analyse the impact of intra-party procedures of candidate selection for national elections on the representativeness of parties towards their voters. With regard to candidate selection we distinguish between two dimensions: inclusion and centralization. While the first identifies the type of selectorate for candidate nominations (members, delegates or committees), the second captures the territorial unit in which the nominatio…
Dynamic De/Centralization in Federations
This article presents the conclusions of the project Why Centralization and Decentralization in Federations?, which analyzed dynamic de/centralization in Australia, Canada, Germany, India, Switzerland, and the United States over their entire life span. It highlights six main conclusions. First, dynamic de/centralization is complex and multidimensional; it cannot be captured by fiscal data alone. Second, while centralization was the dominant trend…
The Democratic Quality of Institutional Regimes
Lijphart's spectrum of democracies – recently expanded by Jack Nagel to a sub-majoritarian sphere of pluralitarian systems which use disproportional electoral systems in order to manufacture majority governments from minorities in the electorate – is based on only one dimension: inclusion of preferences. Political scientists in the Lijphartian tradition wrongly assume that inclusion of preferences, which is an input characteristic, automatically …
Ticket-balancing in mixed-member proportional systems. Comparing sub-national elections in Germany
Communication patterns during marital conflict
This study examines the reliability and validity of the Communication Patterns Questionnaire (CPQ) from Christensen and Sullaway (1984). The CPQ is a relatively new questionnaire aimed at assessing marital communication at the dyadic level. It addresses communication patterns involving the behavior of both members of the dyad rather than just one partner. The CPQ permits the evaluation of communication in close relationships on three scales: (a) …
The Push and Pull of Ministerial Resignations in Germany, 1969–2005
When and why are cabinet ministers forced out of office? We argue that ministerial resignations cannot be understood as mechanistic consequences of serious personal or departmental errors as the classical responsibility hypothesis implies. Rather, they follow a systematic political logic. Cabinet ministers have to resign whenever the prime minister perceives the political costs of a minister staying in office to be higher than the benefits of kee…
Linkages between Parliamentary and Ministerial Careers in Germany, 1949–2008
Delegation theory assumes strong direct links between the parliamentary majority and the government in parliamentary democracies. Based on a data set of career characteristics for all federal cabinet ministers in Germany 1949 to 2008, we test whether the Bundestag serves as the dominant recruitment pool throughout the period, whether party membership of ministers is a sine qua non, and whether non-party members and/or non-MPs seek membership as s…
Dynamic De/Centralization in Germany, 1949–2010
As part of the project Why Centralization and Decentralization in Federations?, this article measures dynamic de/centralization in Germany since 1949 and seeks to explain the patterns observed. It shows stability in numerous policy fields as well as an overall marked centralization over time, especially in the fiscal and administrative spheres. The principal instrument of dynamic de/centralization has been the enactment of legislation in fields o…
Self-Report and Observational Assessment of Couples' Conflict
The purpose of the study is to provide a cross-cultural replication of the correspondence between the Communication Patterns Questionnaire (CPQ) Constructive Communication Subscale and an observational measure of constructive communication. Eighty-one couples in two German cities completed the CPQ, a self-report measure of couples' conflictual communication, and participated in a 15-minute, videotaped interaction in which they discussed a current…
Combining Federalism and Decentralization
Studies evaluating the effects of territorial state organization on the performance of democratic political systems produce ambiguous results. The authors argue that research so far has suffered from insufficiently conceptualizing federalism and decentralization as two distinct dimensions. This article makes use of the advantages of a nested design and detects micro-level causal mechanisms underlying statistically confirmed effects. The authors c…
Taking Others into Account
Research on the formal properties of democratic aggregation mechanisms has a long tradition in political science. Recent theoretical developments, however, show that in the discussion of normative contents of democratic decisions, the actual shape of preferences deserves just as much attention. However, our knowledge about the concrete motivations of individual behavior in democratic decisions is incomplete. Using laboratory experiments, this art…
Centre‐Periphery Conflict and Ideological Distance in Turkey
This article integrates ideology into a game‐theoretical model of centre‐periphery bargains. Ideological differences between national and sub‐national elites constitute a major obstacle for the accommodation of autonomy claims. While reforms bringing about decentralization are often analysed systematically as well as through case studies, cases where, despite claims to autonomy, decentralization does not occur have been largely neglected by schol…
Why accommodate minorities asymmetrically? A theory of ideological authority insulation
Tensions between regionalist claimants and state‐wide governments remain the primary source of violent conflicts. Existing theories cannot systematically explain why and when state‐wide governments accede to such claims. Building on the partisan approaches developed so far, a theory of ideological authority insulation is constructed in this article. It is argued that the willingness of state‐wide parties to transfer authority to specific territor…
Party System and Coalition Formation in Post-Reform New Zealand
Has the first MMP election in New Zealand in 1996 led to a new party system? We argue that the post-reform party system has changed its format while its mechanics remain virtually unchanged because the underlying competition logic stays bipolar. The fundamental variable that decides if this is a correct description is the existence of a permanent and genuine centre party. In order to assess the potential for establishing such a party we look at t…
The ‘competitive authoritarian’ turn in Turkey
Turkey’s fast-paced democratic backsliding has attracted unprecedented scholarly interest from observers both inside and outside the country. Among various labels proposed to define Turkey’s new regime type, ‘competitive authoritarianism’ (CA) has by far outdistanced its rivals. As plenty of time has passed since its coinage, it is timely to commence a scholarly discussion on the appropriateness of the term. Our analysis reveals that the CA argum…
Does the Electoral System Foster a Predominant Party System? Evidence from Turkey
This paper discusses the role of the electoral system in making the Justice and Development Party (AKP) dominant. Drawing on Sartori’s framework, we first clarify the concept of a predominant party system. Second, we examine the impact of the electoral system on the emergence of a predominant party system in Turkey. Analysing election results, we argue that the electoral system fosters dominance in three ways. First, a combination of electoral fo…
Opening the Black Box
As an advisory body the Committee of the Regions' influence on policy-making in the EU depends on its ability to structure internal decision-making according to major lines of conflict. Given its heterogeneous composition, which cleavages do exist and what effects do collective actors and institutional rules have? Based on quantitative analysis of decisions and qualitative interpretation of interviews we find a low level of conflict. Where confli…
Multilevel governance and women's legislative representation
Research shows that electoral systems, gender quotas and a country's socio‐economic development affect women's legislative representation (WLR). Less attention is paid to the effects of the rise of regional political arenas and multilevel politics on WLR. Due to less costly and competitive electoral campaigns, women can have easier access to regional legislatures. We argue that this relationship is mitigated by the distribution of competences bet…
Wahlsysteme und Frauenrepräsentation – Ein Vergleich der deutschen Landesparlamente
ZPol Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft , Seite 167 - 184
Studying Multi-Level Systems with Cross-Level Data
Most political systems consist of multiple layers. Yet datasets are predominantly situated at a single territorial tier, encouraging methodological nationalism, regionalism, and localism. We present three new integrated datasets that include electoral, institutional, ideological, and government composition data on the country and regional level (RD|CED, RED and RPSD). With this data, we cover 337 country elections on the regional level, 2,226 reg…
Party System, Bargaining Power and Coalition Formation After the 1999 New Zealand General Election
Northrhine Westphalian data on the locus F13B
A population study was carried out on 301 ethnic Germans from Düsseldorf (Northrhine Westphalia) using the short tandem repeat (STR) system HumF13B (Coagulation Factor XIIIB). Five different alleles were detected. No deviations from the Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium could be observed. In spite of the successfulness of the system only a few population data exist. A pooled sample from Northrhine Westphalia has to be used as preliminary database for fo…
Types of Democracy
Discussion of concepts in empirical democratic theory has proceeded down two main lines: in terms of theory, from classical institutionalism to new institutionalism; in terms of substance, from the traditional notion of the separation of powers to ever more refined versions of that doctrine. The article contrasts three stages of development and discusses their relevance for contemporary research: the conventional types of parliamentary vs preside…
Communication patterns during marital conflict
This study examines the reliability and validity of the Communication Patterns Questionnaire (CPQ) from Christensen and Sullaway (1984). The CPQ is a relatively new questionnaire aimed at assessing marital communication at the dyadic level. It addresses communication patterns involving the behavior of both members of the dyad rather than just one partner. The CPQ permits the evaluation of communication in close relationships on three scales: (a) …
Party System, Bargaining Power and Coalition Formation After the 1999 New Zealand General Election
Party System and Coalition Formation in Post-Reform New Zealand
Has the first MMP election in New Zealand in 1996 led to a new party system? We argue that the post-reform party system has changed its format while its mechanics remain virtually unchanged because the underlying competition logic stays bipolar. The fundamental variable that decides if this is a correct description is the existence of a permanent and genuine centre party. In order to assess the potential for establishing such a party we look at t…
Self-Report and Observational Assessment of Couples' Conflict
The purpose of the study is to provide a cross-cultural replication of the correspondence between the Communication Patterns Questionnaire (CPQ) Constructive Communication Subscale and an observational measure of constructive communication. Eighty-one couples in two German cities completed the CPQ, a self-report measure of couples' conflictual communication, and participated in a 15-minute, videotaped interaction in which they discussed a current…
Alternation, Inclusion and the European Union
Current endeavours to employ the concept of consociational democracy in European Union research are misleading. This critique starts from a minimalist concept of democracy with alternation and inclusion of preferences in government formation as a parsimonious way to measure the extent to which political systems are majoritarian, consensual or even consociational in character. It then presents empirical results for the current EU member states and…
The Democratic Quality of Institutional Regimes
Lijphart's spectrum of democracies – recently expanded by Jack Nagel to a sub-majoritarian sphere of pluralitarian systems which use disproportional electoral systems in order to manufacture majority governments from minorities in the electorate – is based on only one dimension: inclusion of preferences. Political scientists in the Lijphartian tradition wrongly assume that inclusion of preferences, which is an input characteristic, automatically …
Opening the Black Box
As an advisory body the Committee of the Regions' influence on policy-making in the EU depends on its ability to structure internal decision-making according to major lines of conflict. Given its heterogeneous composition, which cleavages do exist and what effects do collective actors and institutional rules have? Based on quantitative analysis of decisions and qualitative interpretation of interviews we find a low level of conflict. Where confli…
The Fine Art of Government
The Push and Pull of Ministerial Resignations in Germany, 1969–2005
When and why are cabinet ministers forced out of office? We argue that ministerial resignations cannot be understood as mechanistic consequences of serious personal or departmental errors as the classical responsibility hypothesis implies. Rather, they follow a systematic political logic. Cabinet ministers have to resign whenever the prime minister perceives the political costs of a minister staying in office to be higher than the benefits of kee…
Locating Political Parties in Policy Space
Starting from a number of deficiencies in the Comparative Manifestos Project approach to studying left–right policy scales in election programs, an additive model based on the distinction between position and valence issues is proposed. This allows analysis of the policy space in established democracies under the assumption that left and right have different meanings from country to country and over time. The model is illustrated with regard to f…
Repräsentationschancen in interaktiven Nominierungsverfahren Ein Vergleich der Aufstellung von Parteilisten bei deutschen Landtagswahlen
Wahlsysteme und Frauenrepräsentation – Ein Vergleich der deutschen Landesparlamente
ZPol Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft , Seite 167 - 184
Parliamentary Opposition in Westminster Democracies
Based on an actor-centred institutionalist approach, parliamentary oppositions in Westminster democracies are analysed through three dimensions. Firstly, through institutional opportunity structures for opposition parties: in all four countries there are comparatively few opportunities for the opposition to affect policy-making. However, there are variances between the four countries and they change over time. Secondly, they are analysed through …
Ticket-balancing in mixed-member proportional systems. Comparing sub-national elections in Germany
Linkages between Parliamentary and Ministerial Careers in Germany, 1949–2008
Delegation theory assumes strong direct links between the parliamentary majority and the government in parliamentary democracies. Based on a data set of career characteristics for all federal cabinet ministers in Germany 1949 to 2008, we test whether the Bundestag serves as the dominant recruitment pool throughout the period, whether party membership of ministers is a sine qua non, and whether non-party members and/or non-MPs seek membership as s…
Taking Others into Account
Research on the formal properties of democratic aggregation mechanisms has a long tradition in political science. Recent theoretical developments, however, show that in the discussion of normative contents of democratic decisions, the actual shape of preferences deserves just as much attention. However, our knowledge about the concrete motivations of individual behavior in democratic decisions is incomplete. Using laboratory experiments, this art…
Combining Federalism and Decentralization
Studies evaluating the effects of territorial state organization on the performance of democratic political systems produce ambiguous results. The authors argue that research so far has suffered from insufficiently conceptualizing federalism and decentralization as two distinct dimensions. This article makes use of the advantages of a nested design and detects micro-level causal mechanisms underlying statistically confirmed effects. The authors c…
Does the mode of candidate selection affect the representativeness of parties
In this article, we analyse the impact of intra-party procedures of candidate selection for national elections on the representativeness of parties towards their voters. With regard to candidate selection we distinguish between two dimensions: inclusion and centralization. While the first identifies the type of selectorate for candidate nominations (members, delegates or committees), the second captures the territorial unit in which the nominatio…
Centre‐Periphery Conflict and Ideological Distance in Turkey
This article integrates ideology into a game‐theoretical model of centre‐periphery bargains. Ideological differences between national and sub‐national elites constitute a major obstacle for the accommodation of autonomy claims. While reforms bringing about decentralization are often analysed systematically as well as through case studies, cases where, despite claims to autonomy, decentralization does not occur have been largely neglected by schol…
Conceptualizing, Measuring, and Theorizing Dynamic De/Centralization in Federations
This article develops a conceptual, methodological, and theoretical framework for analyzing dynamic de/centralization in federations. It first reviews the literature and outlines the research design and methods adopted. It then conceptualizes static de/centralization and describes the seven-point coding scheme we employed to measure it across twenty-two policy areas and five fiscal categories at ten-year intervals since the establishment of a fed…
Dynamic De/Centralization in Federations
This article presents the conclusions of the project Why Centralization and Decentralization in Federations?, which analyzed dynamic de/centralization in Australia, Canada, Germany, India, Switzerland, and the United States over their entire life span. It highlights six main conclusions. First, dynamic de/centralization is complex and multidimensional; it cannot be captured by fiscal data alone. Second, while centralization was the dominant trend…
Dynamic De/Centralization in Germany, 1949–2010
As part of the project Why Centralization and Decentralization in Federations?, this article measures dynamic de/centralization in Germany since 1949 and seeks to explain the patterns observed. It shows stability in numerous policy fields as well as an overall marked centralization over time, especially in the fiscal and administrative spheres. The principal instrument of dynamic de/centralization has been the enactment of legislation in fields o…
Federal-level Government Participation and State-level Electoral Performance
To what extent does the federal political arena contaminate the regional one in Germany? Does a party's position as government or opposition on the federal level have a systematic impact on its performance in Land elections? Land elections are often characterised as second order elections, but existing empirical studies that use real election data suffer from important methodological problems. Unlike previous approaches using survey data or compa…
Political science (29 works) · Law (20 works) · Politics (20 works) · Law (19 works) · Economics (18 works) · Sociology (18 works) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (14 works) · Political economy (14 works) · Democracy (13 works) · Computer Science (9 works)