Derivational economy in composite probing
The case of the lian…dou construction in Mandarin Chinese
Bibliographic Data
| ID | 20394847 |
|---|---|
| Authors | Huacheng Cao (Center for Applied Linguistics, corresponding author) |
| Year | 2025 |
| Volume | 34 |
| Issue | 4 |
| Pages | 763-800 |
| Publication date | 2025-12-01 |
| Peer Reviewed | Yes |
| Open Access | Yes |
| Type | ARTICLE |
| Venue | Journal of East Asian Linguistics (JOURNAL) |
| Journal identifiers | ISSN: 0925-8558 • E-ISSN: 1572-8560 |
| Publisher | Springer Science and Business Media LLC (PUBLISHER) |
| DOI | 10.1007/s10831-025-09310-7 |
| OpenAlex | W4414092330 |
| Language | IT |
| References cited | 78 |
Since van Urk (2015), composite [A/Ā] probes have been widely adopted for movements that exhibit both A- and Ā-properties. However, the interaction between the [A] and [Ā] features in composite probes is still poorly understood, particularly regarding which feature acts as the movement trigger. This paper addresses this gap by investigating the lian ... dou construction in Mandarin Chinese. Although movements in the lian ... dou construction are motivated by the same focus interpretation, DP foci undergo A-movement whereas VP and CP foci undergo Ā-movement. I argue that this state of affairs follows from the composite [A/Ā] probe involved in the lian ... dou construction and its interaction with principles of economy. VP and CP foci agree with the [A/Ā] probe only in the [Ā] feature, resulting in Ā-movement of these foci. By contrast, DP foci are fully matching goals. When both types of movement are possible for DP foci, an explicit economy calculus implies that A-movement is a more economical derivation than Ā-movement. Consequently, while DP foci undergo A-movement due to economy, only Ā-movement is available for VP/ CP foci
Composite number · Mandarin Chinese · Theoretical linguistics · Natural Language Processing Techniques · Phonetics and Phonology Research · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
Reconstruction, Binding, and Scope
The Structure of CP and IP
Phases
Interface Strategies
Adverbs and Functional Heads
Agreement and Its Failures
Derivation by Phase
Choice Functions and the Scopal Semantics of Indefinites
More Structural Analogies Between Pronouns and Tenses
The Fine Structure of the Left Periphery
The View from building 20
Function Alternations of the Mandarin Particle Dou
From Prolepsis to Hyperraising
Against the Low Periphery as Phrase Markers
Satisfying the composite probe on the Topic head in Mandarin Chinese
Object preposing in Mandarin Chinese
Verb doubling in Mandarin Chinese
Plurality, maximality and scalar inferences
Np-Structure
Towards a restrictive theory of (remnant) movement
The Sentence-Internal Topic and Focus in Chinese
Clausal embedding in Washo
Not all reconstruction effects are syntactic
The hidden side of clausal complements
Improper case
Logical form
Voice and Little v and VO–OV Word‐Order Variation in Chinese Languages
The interaction of person and number in Mi'gmaq
Reconstruction, Binding Theory, and the Interpretation of Chains
(Im)possible Traces
Extraction and reconstruction
Weak Crossover as a Scope Phenomenon
Selective Opacity
Missing labels
A Minimalist Condition on Semantic Reconstruction
Feature Gluttony
Total Reconstruction, PF Movement, and Derivational Order
Intervention Effects Follow from Focus Interpretation
Economy and scope
A theory of focus interpretation
The Interpretation of Traces
A unified approach to split scope
Wh-in-situ in the Framework of the Minimalist Program
Long Distance Indefinites and Choice Functions
Wholesale Late Merger
Ā-Probing for the Closest DP
CPs
Breaking Agreements
The A/Ā Distinction as an Epiphenomenon
Superman Sentences
Not Moving Clauses
A sentential subject asymmetry in English and its implications for complement selection
A Local Encoding of Syntactic Dependencies and Its Consequences for the Theory of Movement
Relativized minimality
Minimizers and Even
Feature-Splitting Internal Merge
Antecedent-Contained Deletion and the Copy Theory of Movement
Mayan agent focus and the ergative extraction constraint
| Citation velocity | historical |
|---|---|
| Highly cited | No |