Jonathan Tonge
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 1081192 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | Jonathan Tonge |
| NOMBRES | Jonathan |
| APELLIDO | Tonge |
| FIRMA | TONGE J |
| AFILIACIONES | University of Liverpool |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-4350-9101 |
| VERIFICADO | Sí |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 108 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 564 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 108 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 1993 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2025 |
| ÍNDICE H | 13 |
Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland’s election saw Sinn Féin complete a hat-trick few would have envisaged at the start of the century. The party became the region’s largest at Westminster, to add to its status as the biggest seat-holder in both the devolved power-sharing Northern Ireland Assembly and in local government, lead positions attained in 2022 and 2023, respectively. Sinn Féin continued, however, to refuse to take its seven seats in the House of Commons, …
The Alliance Party of Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland’s political system is dominated by an Irish Catholic nationalist versus British Protestant unionist fault-line, based on the long-running argument over whether the province should remain part of the United Kingdom or form part of a United Ireland. Yet the largest category of elector in Northern Ireland says they are neither a unionist nor a nationalist and the third largest party is now Alliance, which declares itself neutral on …
The lessons of 1969
Public opinion, political partisanship and the Votes-at-16 debate in the United Kingdom
The debate in the United Kingdom over whether the voting age should be lowered to 16 has largely involved political elites demanding change. Public opinion, insofar as it has been tested at UK-wide level, has tended to oppose lowering the voting age for Westminster elections, but change has proceeded for non-Westminster elections in Scotland and Wales. Drawing upon extensive research undertaken as part of a 2-year Leverhulme Trust project on the …
A coming of age
In 1969, the UK became the first country to lower its age of franchise to 18. Most other democracies soon followed. This article provides the first detailed examination of the debates and processes which contributed to the UK’s pioneering reform of the age of enfranchisement. It explores parliamentary and press debates during the 1960s, arguing that lowering the voting age to 18 was not in response to popular mobilisation by the public or pressur…
And I Hereby Declare the Runner‐Up to be the Winner’
The first‐ever election for the leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) in May 2021 proved eventful in terms of both its instigation and outcome. Founded in 1971, the DUP's three previous leaders had either been self‐appointed (Ian Paisley, the party's founder) or nominated without a rival opponent (Peter Robinson and Arlene Foster). Foster's unseating in an internal coup triggered a contest between Northern Ireland Executive minister Edwin…
Introduction
This series of articles examines aspects of the increasingly resonant and polarised debates across the UK about the lowering of the voting age to 16 years. The previous UK-wide extension of the age of franchise, from 21 to 18 years in 1969, attracted little partisanship or attention (Loughran et al., 2021). This was remarkable given the UK was the first democracy to lower the voting age to 18 years. The largely consensual nature of the change to …
Voting Age Reform, Political Partisanship and Multi-Level Governance in the UK
The UK is now a multi-level polity with asymmetrical minimum ages of enfranchisement. The franchise was first extended to 16- and 17-year-olds in the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. The Scottish and Welsh governments now permit 16- and 17-year-olds to vote in elections to their devolved parliaments and local councils. The Northern Ireland Executive and the devolved authorities in England do not, however, have the power to change the voting…
Beyond Unionism versus Nationalism
Northern Ireland has always been a polity noted for its strong links between national identity, religion, and voting, and acute British unionist versus Irish nationalist divisions. The constitutional question of whether Northern Ireland should be part of the UK or a united Ireland dominates. Yet, recent surveys have suggested a sizeable and growing section of its electorate declares itself neither unionist nor nationalist. This development may ha…
Introduction
Introduction: A Conservative Victory Like No Other
Conclusion
Conclusion:The BBC and the Election
Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland's election had dramatic outcomes and important consequences for the restoration of devolved power-sharing.For the first time, unionist MPs elected to Westminster were in the minority.Nine nationalists won seats, seven taken by Sinn Fein (SF) who refuse to take up their positions in the House of Commons, with the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) recording two constituency triumphs.Eight unionists, all from the Democratic …
Same but different? The Democratic Unionist Party and Ulster Unionist Party compared
Northern Ireland’s two main unionist parties, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) have undergone divergent fortunes since the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA) as the DUP has prospered whilst the UUP has struggled. This article draws upon recent studies of the memberships of both parties to explore their perceptions of the change in respective electoral standings and to examine the extent to which the parties now co…
Petitions, Polling Stations and Paisley
The Recall of MP s Act 2015 allows constituents to petition for their MP to be unseated. A petition of recall is opened, for six weeks, if an MP has received a custodial sentence or been suspended from the House of Commons for ten or more sitting days. Should 10 per cent of constituents sign the petition, a by‐election is required, which the deposed MP has the right to contest. The first test of the Act came in 2018, when Ian Paisley, MP for Nort…
The Recall of MPs Act 2015
Under the terms of the Recall of MPs Act 2015, there have been three recall petitions brought against MPs who have committed misconduct. The outcomes have been variable. The first petition failed to attract enough signatures to trigger a by‐election. The second led to the unseating of the MP, who declined the opportunity to stand in the subsequent by‐election. The third led to the removal of the MP and an unsuccessful candidature to regain his se…
The Ulster Unionist Party
This book undertakes the first detailed membership study of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP). The UUP was the dominant political party in Northern Ireland during the twentieth century, but since the 1998 Belfast Agreement, the UUP has struggled to retain the loyalty and affection of many within the majority Protestant-Unionist-British community. The Belfast Agreement was internationally lauded, the UUP leader David Trimble feted with a Nobel Peace…
Partisan and religious drivers of moral conservatism
This article assesses the importance of religious affiliation, observance, faith and party choice in categorizing attitudes to two of the most important contemporary moral and ethical issues: same-sex marriage and abortion. While religious conditioning of moral attitudes has long been seen as important, this article goes beyond analyses grounded in religiosity to explore whether support for particular political parties – and the cues received fro…
Northern Ireland
The General Election result in Northern Ireland impacted across the UK. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) enjoyed a double victory. It extended dominance of the unionist community and collected a bigger prize as its ten MPs (a record tally) held a pivotal position at Westminster. In holding the balance of power in the House of Commons, the DUP was not shy in articulating its price for supporting the otherwise friendless Conservative government …
Introduction
The 2017 General Election added considerably to the rich political drama evident in the UK in recent years. A contest supposed to be one of the most one-sided of all time confounded most predictions in yielding only the third hung parliament of the 20 post-war general elections in the UK. ‘May heads for election landslide’ trumpeted The Times on 19 April, the day after the election was called—and few demurred. Theresa May began her campaign in Bo…
Conclusion
Rarely can a partial election victory have felt so akin to a defeat for a party. As the Conservatives scrambled in the aftermath to clinch an expensive deal with their only friends at Westminster, the Democratic Unionist Party, they ruefully reflected on how their majority had been mislaid. A Prime Minister who had called an unnecessary election had witnessed her Party’s apparently unassailable position at the outset of the contest eroded. The Co…
Supplying Confidence or Trouble? The Deal Between the Democratic Unionist Party and the Conservative Party
Religious, Political, and Geographical Determinants of Attitudes to Protestant Parades in Northern Ireland
Although violence over Northern Ireland's constitutional position has largely subsided, the problem of sectarian animosity between sections of the Protestant Unionist British and Catholic Irish Nationalist population remains. One such area of communal contestation is attitudes to Protestant parades, organized mainly by the Orange Order. For many Protestants, Orange Order marches are legitimate cultural, religious, and political expressions of Pro…
The Impact of Withdrawal from the European Union upon Northern Ireland
New members as party modernisers
Introduction
Introduction
The New Northern Irish Politics
Introduction The Conflict The Solution? The Logic of the Good Friday Agreement Unionism New and Old The Diminishing Centre Ground: Whither the Third Tradition? New 'Green' Politics: The Growing Electoral Dominance of Sinn Fein The Big Tent at Stormont: The Northern Ireland Assembly Never the Sum of the Parts? The Executive Cross Border and Confederal Dimensions Civil Society and the Problem of Sectarianism A New Policing Service? The Internationa…
The Party Politics of Youth Citizenship and Democratic Engagement
Young people populate a uniquely strategic position within society in general and particularly in party political debate about the future development of citizenship and the national community. Political parties in the UK have however been historically reluctant to engage with young people or represent their interests in the formulation of policies, instead prioritising older voters. However, the political resonance of issues linked to youth citiz…
The Democratic Unionist Party
The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) in Northern Ireland has undergone a remarkable transformation. Having been a party of opposition and protest for decades following its foundation in 1971, the DUP is now the leading party of government in the region, one which dominates unionist politics. The party moved from a religiously influenced determination to face down the ‘enemies of Ulster’ to acceptance of the need to share power with those ‘enemies’…
Social Class and Party Choice in Northern Ireland's Ethnic Blocs
The peace process in Northern Ireland has not diminished the acute ethnic electoral faultline between the majority Protestant-British population, supportive of parties favouring Northern Ireland’s continuing place in the United Kingdom and the minority Catholic-Nationalist population, which backs parties harbouring long-term ambitions for a united Ireland. Within each bloc, however, there has been a dramatic realignment in favour of parties once …
Shared Identity and the End of Conflict? How Far Has a Common Sense of ‘Northern Irishness’ Replaced British or Irish Allegiances since the 1998 Good Friday Agreement
Despite political progress in Northern Ireland, the polity may arguably only fully stabilise when its population regards themselves as ‘Northern Irish’ rather than merely as subsets of British and Irish parent nations. Power-sharing and relative peace since the 1998 Good Friday Agreement may have offered the possibility of the development of a common Northern Irish identity, to allow consolidation of a political entity challenged by sections of t…
Beyond Unionism versus Nationalism
Northern Ireland has always been a polity noted for its strong links between national identity, religion, and voting, and acute British unionist versus Irish nationalist divisions. The constitutional question of whether Northern Ireland should be part of the UK or a united Ireland dominates. Yet, recent surveys have suggested a sizeable and growing section of its electorate declares itself neither unionist nor nationalist. This development may ha…
From Abstentionism to Enthusiasm
The Northern Ireland peace process saw remarkable change in the policies of Sinn Féin. Having pledged to end Northern Ireland as a political entity, Sinn Féin accepted the 1998 Good Friday Agreement and has since been a strong supporter of the political institutions created under that deal. The party's backing for political institutions has amounted to the zeal of converts, the one-time ‘unequivocal support’ for the IRA's ‘armed struggle’ and rep…
Abandoning historical conflict
Drawing on over 150 interviews with former IRA, INLA, UVF and UFF prisoners, this is a major analysis of why Northern Ireland has seen a transition from war to peace. Most accounts of the peace process are 'top-down', relying upon the views of political elites. This book is 'bottom-up', analysing the voices of those who actually 'fought the war'. What made them fight, why did they stop and what are the lessons for other conflict zones? Based on a…
Faultlines in unionism
The 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA) has exacerbated long‐standing divisions within unionism and heightened party competition within the Unionist bloc, confronting the UUP with a new political and institutional dispensation and increased intra‐communal electoral rivalry. Previous Unionist faultlines that were often viewed through discussions of identity have now shifted post‐GFA to an emphasis on acute political differences. Using data from the f…
From Sunningdale to the good Friday agreement
The 1998 Good Friday Agreement has been described as 'Sunningdale for slow learners', in that it uses many of the ideas originating in that 1973 agreement. This article examines what historical lessons have been learned from Sunningdale and applied to the Good Friday Agreement. The piece examines three items: the similarities and dissimilarities of the two agreements; the evolution of attitudes within the Labour party, in government and oppositio…
Another Communal Headcount
The Westminster election in Northern Ireland attracted more interest beyond the region than is normally the case. This was not because of healthy new attention being paid to the polity's regular communal (to critics, sectarian) bloc headcount. Rather, it was because the contest's outcome might influence the formation of a minority government at Westminster. This possibility was actively discussed even into election night results programmes, after…
Conflict, Transformation, and Former Loyalist Paramilitary Prisoners in Northern Ireland
Following the 1998 Belfast Agreement in Northern Ireland, levels of paramilitary violence have declined substantially. Among loyalists, the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and associated Red Hand Commando (RHC) have formally renounced violence, and dissolved their ‘military structures’, and perhaps the most reticent of all of the major paramilitary groupings, the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), has taken on board the central tenets of conflict tra…
Politics in Ireland
The Future of the ‘Radical Centre’ in Northern Ireland after the Good Friday Agreement
The 1998 Good Friday Agreement has provided a new political dispensation in Northern Ireland. Through the management of the competing aims of unionism and nationalism, the Agreement hopes to promote cross-community consensus and forge a new, moderate centre. However, the segmental autonomy evident under the consociationalism of the Agreement poses questions of the existing political centre in Northern Ireland. Traditionally, the centre, as repres…
Devolution and the Governance of Northern Ireland
Journal Article Devolution and the Governance of Northern Ireland Get access COLIN KNOX, Devolution and the Governance of Northern Ireland, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 306 pp, ISBN-10 9780719074363 ISBN-13 978-0719074363, 2010. Jonathan Tonge Jonathan Tonge University of Liverpool, UK [email protected] Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Parliamentary Affairs, Volume 64, Issue 3, July 2011, …
For God and for the Crown
The Protestant Orange Order is the largest organization in civil society in Northern Ireland. From 1905 until 2005, the Order was linked to the Ulster Unionist Party, until recently the dominant local political force. However, widespread Unionist disenchantment with the 1998 Good Friday Agreement led to a shift in the votes of Orange Order members, in common with other Protestants, to the anti‐Agreement Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), which trad…
A Big Idea for the Big Society? The Advent of National Citizen Service
The proposed introduction of National Citizen Service (NCS) by the Conservative party survived the negotiations with the Liberal Democrats and forms part of the coalition's policy agenda. The idea forms part of the concern of Cameronian Conservatives to create a big society, based primarily upon volunteering and civil engagement. Drawing upon comparisons with state and private sector‐led models of citizen volunteering in Germany and the United St…
Citizenship and Political Engagement Among Young People
Journal Article Citizenship and Political Engagement Among Young People: The Workings and Findings of the Youth Citizenship Commission Get access Jonathan Tonge, Jonathan Tonge University of LiverpoolLiverpoolUK [email protected] Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Andrew Mycock Andrew Mycock University of HuddersfieldHuddersfieldUK Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar…
Menace Without Mandate? Is There Any Sympathy for "Dissident" Irish Republicanism in Northern Ireland
Dissident Irish Republicans have increased their violent activities in recent years. These “spoilers” reject the 1998 Good Friday Agreement power-sharing deal between Unionist and Nationalist traditions in Northern Ireland. Instead dissident IRAs vow to maintain an armed campaign against Britain's sovereign claim to Northern Ireland and have killed British soldiers, police officers, and civilians in recent years. These groups have small political…
They Haven't Gone Away, You Know’. Irish Republican ‘Dissidents’ and ‘Armed Struggle’
The shift by the provisional Republican movement towards constitutional politics in Northern Ireland has caused splits among Republicans. The formation of the Continuity and Real Irish Republican Armies, pledged to continue ‘armed struggle’ against British rule in Northern Ireland, was predictable, given the historical propensity of Republicans to divide amid claims of ‘betrayal’ by the leadership. The odds against militarist Republican ‘dissiden…
Party Members and the Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland
The Good Friday Agreement represents an elite accommodation with popular legitimacy. Various accounts of how the deal was brokered at elite level have emerged and there is a growing amount of survey data on the attitudes of voters to the agreement. What, though, of the attitudes of the intermediate tier of party members? Continuing support for the deal among the 'centrist bloc' of the SDLP, Alliance and UUP is analysed in this article, based upon…
Partisan and religious drivers of moral conservatism
This article assesses the importance of religious affiliation, observance, faith and party choice in categorizing attitudes to two of the most important contemporary moral and ethical issues: same-sex marriage and abortion. While religious conditioning of moral attitudes has long been seen as important, this article goes beyond analyses grounded in religiosity to explore whether support for particular political parties – and the cues received fro…
The Impact of Withdrawal from the European Union upon Northern Ireland
No‐one likes us; we don't care
The episodic dissident republican activity evident in Northern Ireland since the Good Friday Agreement has been accompanied by regular assertions from the police, politicians and commentators that dissidents have no backing. This article examines the historic importance of mandates and support for previous and contemporary republican armed campaigns. It explores whether violent republicans have ever enjoyed widespread support in Ireland and asses…
Supplying Confidence or Trouble? The Deal Between the Democratic Unionist Party and the Conservative Party
Training and Enterprise Councils
British Politics since the War
New packaging, old deal? New Labour and employment policy innovation
This article examines the extent of employment policy continuity under the Labour government elected in May 1997. It explores four specific questions. First, to what extent has Labour accepted the training orthodoxy permeating employment policy? Second, is the Labour government able to reconcile an interventionist supply-side approach with an institutional framework favouring decentralized employer-led responses to unemployment? Third, to what ex…
From Sunningdale to the good Friday agreement
The 1998 Good Friday Agreement has been described as 'Sunningdale for slow learners', in that it uses many of the ideas originating in that 1973 agreement. This article examines what historical lessons have been learned from Sunningdale and applied to the Good Friday Agreement. The piece examines three items: the similarities and dissimilarities of the two agreements; the evolution of attitudes within the Labour party, in government and oppositio…
Constitutional nationalism and socialism in Northern Ireland
2000). Constitutional nationalism and socialism in Northern Ireland: The greening of the social democratic and labour party. British Elections & Parties Review: Vol. 10, No. 1, pp. 117-132
The formation of the Northern Ireland executive
Reference Section
Northern Ireland's third tradition(s)
Faultlines in unionism
The 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA) has exacerbated long‐standing divisions within unionism and heightened party competition within the Unionist bloc, confronting the UUP with a new political and institutional dispensation and increased intra‐communal electoral rivalry. Previous Unionist faultlines that were often viewed through discussions of identity have now shifted post‐GFA to an emphasis on acute political differences. Using data from the f…
Old extremism or new moderate centrism? The 2001 elections in Northern Ireland
Party Members and the Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland
The Good Friday Agreement represents an elite accommodation with popular legitimacy. Various accounts of how the deal was brokered at elite level have emerged and there is a growing amount of survey data on the attitudes of voters to the agreement. What, though, of the attitudes of the intermediate tier of party members? Continuing support for the deal among the 'centrist bloc' of the SDLP, Alliance and UUP is analysed in this article, based upon…
Introduction
Victims of their own success? Post‐agreement dilemmas of political moderates in Northern Ireland
(2003). Victims of their own success? Post‐agreement dilemmas of political moderates in Northern Ireland. Global Review of Ethnopolitics: Vol. 3, Northern Ireland, pp. 39-59
The Future of the ‘Radical Centre’ in Northern Ireland after the Good Friday Agreement
The 1998 Good Friday Agreement has provided a new political dispensation in Northern Ireland. Through the management of the competing aims of unionism and nationalism, the Agreement hopes to promote cross-community consensus and forge a new, moderate centre. However, the segmental autonomy evident under the consociationalism of the Agreement poses questions of the existing political centre in Northern Ireland. Traditionally, the centre, as repres…
They Haven't Gone Away, You Know’. Irish Republican ‘Dissidents’ and ‘Armed Struggle’
The shift by the provisional Republican movement towards constitutional politics in Northern Ireland has caused splits among Republicans. The formation of the Continuity and Real Irish Republican Armies, pledged to continue ‘armed struggle’ against British rule in Northern Ireland, was predictable, given the historical propensity of Republicans to divide amid claims of ‘betrayal’ by the leadership. The odds against militarist Republican ‘dissiden…
New ‘Green’ Politics
The Solution? The Logic of the Good Friday Agreement
The Conflict
A New Policing Service?
Unionism New and Old
The International Context
Never the Sum of its Parts? The Executive
Conclusion
The Big Tent at Stormont
The Diminishing Centre Ground
Political science (94 obras) · Politics (67 obras) · Law (65 obras) · Sociology (64 obras) · Irish and British Studies (62 obras) · Law (54 obras) · Political economy (46 obras) · Northern ireland (25 obras) · Ethnology (22 obras) · Public Administration (20 obras)