Gregory M Kobele
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 1497792 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | Gregory M Kobele |
| NOMBRES | Gregory M |
| APELLIDO | Kobele |
| FIRMA | KOBELE G M |
| AFILIACIONES | University of Chicago |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-1051-8503 |
| VERIFICADO | Sí |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 9 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 22 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 9 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2006 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2022 |
| ÍNDICE H | 3 |
Agree as information transmission over dependencies
In contemporary Minimalism agreement is the result of a syntactic operation. In contrast to Merge, Agree does not build structure, its role being to transmit morphological features from one head to another. We provide an alternative perspective on agreement in a Minimalist idiom, one that cuts the ontological pie in a different way. Syntax has as its only operation Merge, and agreement, now divorced from syntax, transfers purely morphological inf…
Actual Language Use and Competence Grammars
The Dynamics of Ellipsis
LF-copying without LF
A copying approach to ellipsis is presented, whereby the locus of copying is not a level of derived syntactic structure (LF), but rather the derivation itself. The ban on preposition stranding in sprouting follows without further stipulation, and other, seemingly structure sensitive, empirical generalizations about elliptical constructions, including the preposition stranding generalization, follow naturally as well. Destructive operations which …
Meeting the Boojum
The Acceptability Cline in VP Ellipsis
This paper lays the foundations for a processing model of relative acceptability levels in verb phrase ellipsis (VPE). In the proposed model, mismatching VPE examples are grammatical but less acceptable because they violate heuristic parsing strategies. This analysis is presented in a Minimalist Grammar formalism that is compatible with standard parsing techniques. The overall proposal integrates computational assumptions about parsing with a psy…
Inverse linking via function composition
Evaluating the Complexity of Optimality Theory
Idsardi (2006) claims that Optimality Theory (OT; Prince and Smolensky 1993, 2004) is "in general computationally intractable" on the basis of a proof adapted from Eisner 1997a. We take issue with this conclusion on two grounds. First, the intractability result holds only in cases where the constraint set is not fixed in advance (contra usual definitions of OT), and second, the result crucially depends on a particular representation of OT grammar…
Intervention and focus in Asante Twi
This paper concerns the distribution of wh-words in Asante Twi, which has both a focus fronting strategy and an in-situ strategy. We show that the focusing and the in-situ constructions are not simply equally available options. On the contrary, there are several cases where the focusing strategy must be used and the in-situ strategy is ungrammatical. We show that the cases in Asante Twi are "intervention effects", which are attested in other lang…
The Acceptability Cline in VP Ellipsis
This paper lays the foundations for a processing model of relative acceptability levels in verb phrase ellipsis (VPE). In the proposed model, mismatching VPE examples are grammatical but less acceptable because they violate heuristic parsing strategies. This analysis is presented in a Minimalist Grammar formalism that is compatible with standard parsing techniques. The overall proposal integrates computational assumptions about parsing with a psy…
Inverse linking via function composition
LF-copying without LF
A copying approach to ellipsis is presented, whereby the locus of copying is not a level of derived syntactic structure (LF), but rather the derivation itself. The ban on preposition stranding in sprouting follows without further stipulation, and other, seemingly structure sensitive, empirical generalizations about elliptical constructions, including the preposition stranding generalization, follow naturally as well. Destructive operations which …
Evaluating the Complexity of Optimality Theory
Idsardi (2006) claims that Optimality Theory (OT; Prince and Smolensky 1993, 2004) is "in general computationally intractable" on the basis of a proof adapted from Eisner 1997a. We take issue with this conclusion on two grounds. First, the intractability result holds only in cases where the constraint set is not fixed in advance (contra usual definitions of OT), and second, the result crucially depends on a particular representation of OT grammar…
Intervention and focus in Asante Twi
This paper concerns the distribution of wh-words in Asante Twi, which has both a focus fronting strategy and an in-situ strategy. We show that the focusing and the in-situ constructions are not simply equally available options. On the contrary, there are several cases where the focusing strategy must be used and the in-situ strategy is ungrammatical. We show that the cases in Asante Twi are "intervention effects", which are attested in other lang…
Evaluating the Complexity of Optimality Theory
Idsardi (2006) claims that Optimality Theory (OT; Prince and Smolensky 1993, 2004) is "in general computationally intractable" on the basis of a proof adapted from Eisner 1997a. We take issue with this conclusion on two grounds. First, the intractability result holds only in cases where the constraint set is not fixed in advance (contra usual definitions of OT), and second, the result crucially depends on a particular representation of OT grammar…
Inverse linking via function composition
The Acceptability Cline in VP Ellipsis
This paper lays the foundations for a processing model of relative acceptability levels in verb phrase ellipsis (VPE). In the proposed model, mismatching VPE examples are grammatical but less acceptable because they violate heuristic parsing strategies. This analysis is presented in a Minimalist Grammar formalism that is compatible with standard parsing techniques. The overall proposal integrates computational assumptions about parsing with a psy…
Meeting the Boojum
LF-copying without LF
A copying approach to ellipsis is presented, whereby the locus of copying is not a level of derived syntactic structure (LF), but rather the derivation itself. The ban on preposition stranding in sprouting follows without further stipulation, and other, seemingly structure sensitive, empirical generalizations about elliptical constructions, including the preposition stranding generalization, follow naturally as well. Destructive operations which …
Actual Language Use and Competence Grammars
The Dynamics of Ellipsis
Agree as information transmission over dependencies
In contemporary Minimalism agreement is the result of a syntactic operation. In contrast to Merge, Agree does not build structure, its role being to transmit morphological features from one head to another. We provide an alternative perspective on agreement in a Minimalist idiom, one that cuts the ontological pie in a different way. Syntax has as its only operation Merge, and agreement, now divorced from syntax, transfers purely morphological inf…
Computer Science (9 obras) · Linguistics (8 obras) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (7 obras) · Philosophy (6 obras) · Artificial Intelligence (5 obras) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (5 obras) · Natural language processing (3 obras) · Programming language (3 obras) · Ellipsis (linguistics (2 obras) · History (2 obras)