M Garrido
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 17630 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | M Garrido |
| NOMBRES | M |
| APELLIDO | Garrido |
| FIRMA | GARRIDO M |
| AFILIACIONES | University of Chicago |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-7764-7513 |
| VERIFICADO | Sí |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 34 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 107 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 34 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2003 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2026 |
| ÍNDICE H | 7 |
The Postcolonial Reconstruction of the Chicago School in the Philippines
In the Philippines, a group of scholars associated with the Institute of Philippine Culture took up and reworked the Chicago School tradition of social science research. “IPC sociology” has been depicted as an American transplant and, worse, a neocolonial project. Critics took issue with what they saw as its intellectual and material dependency on the United States, deeming it not just inappropriate but “irrelevant” to Philippine society. I will …
The Prison of Misrecognition
For scholars of the Global South, epistemic struggle happens in the particular, that is, over the course of debates around particular models of reality. To illustrate, I reconstruct debates around an influential model of Philippine politics, arguing that the model is premised on a set of 'bad words' and that these bad words have real effects. These bad words produce a prison of misrecognition. Delving into this literature yields a finer-grained p…
A Thousand Years of Corruption
The scholarly and popular commonsense about corruption in the Philippines is that the country has always been corrupt. Seventy-eight years of corruption as an independent state (1946-2024) may as well have been a thousand. Lay and scholarly accounts explain this continuity with respect to traditional values and premature democratization. In both accounts, corruption is all but genetic to Philippine culture or politics. To be sure, continuity is s…
The Trajectory of Illiberal Backlash
This chapter traces the trajectory of illiberal backlash in the Philippines. Conceptually, it emphasizes the work of time in the formation of an illiberal disposition. It espouses an historically embedded explanation of illiberalism centered on the question of “why now?” rather than simply “why?” and accounts for dynamics such as sequence, buildup, and contingency. Empirically, it roots the Philippines’ illiberal turn in the serial failures of ac…
A Comparative Historical Sociology of Corruption
A view of corruption as disembedded from society and history is predominant today. In this view, corruption is basically the same thing everywhere and inherently a bad thing because it gets in the way of proper processes. In opposition to this view, we argue for understanding corruption as socially and historically embedded . While there are many viable ways to embed corruption, we advocate a comparative historical sociology of corruption in part…
Rodrigo Duterte as "the Trump of Asia"? The Limits and Pitfalls of Thin Comparison
The former Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte often gets lumped together with the former U.S. president Donald Trump on the basis of their autocratic practices. However, there are crucial differences in their respective situations and the reception of their autocratic practices on the ground. Consequently, if we understand Duterte only through Trump or with reference to the category of "emerging autocrat" then we end up misunderstanding the sit…
The Spatial Organization of Inequality
When is inequality felt as social difference? Charles Tilly argued that it is not simply the extent of inequality that matters but how it is organized. I build on this account by incorporating a view of spatial boundaries as organizing social interactions and directing perceptions of groupness; that is, as helping define the actors and contexts at stake. I argue that the spatial organization of inequality affects how we perceive and experience it…
The ground for the illiberal turn in the Philippines
We know a lot about the new wave of autocrats and how they operate but much less about why so many people, particularly in the developing world, are cheering them on. Case-in-point: How do we make sense of widespread popular support for Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte's strongman rule? Scholars generally cite frustration with a democracy widely regarded as elite-dominated and endemically corrupt, but this account is underspecified. Filipinos…
Maria Ressa
Maria Ressa worked at CNN for nearly twenty years, was the lead investigative reporter in Southeast Asia for terrorist networks, and she helped found the news website Rappler. In June 2020, Ressa was convicted of “cyber libel” and faces up to six years in prison
The New Line
This essay highlights democracy in the Philippines and how the Trump administration may have accelerated disenchantment with American democracy for Filipinos
Disciplining Democracy
Reconceptualizing Segregation from the Global South
In American sociology, segregation is usually conceived in terms of spatial concentration, social isolation, and the consolidation of race, place, and poverty. This conceptualization fails to capture the reality of segregation in many of the largest cities in the Global South. Studying segregation in these places presents an opportunity to “open up” the concept and reimagine it more expansively. In the paper, I compare segregation in Manila, Phil…
Toward a Global Urban Sociology
Many cities in the Global South are structurally different from the Northern, particularly American, cities on which much of urban sociology’s conceptual apparatus has been based. Thus, depicting them in terms of a standard urban vocabulary risks imposing an inappropriate way of seeing. We need a vocabulary that is able to accommodate their different urban experience. This special issue contributes to the work of building that vocabulary. We sele…
A conjunctural account of upper- and middle-class support for Rodrigo Duterte
Philippine scholars have largely interpreted Duterte's support among the upper and middle class as a rejection of the previous administration's incremental reformism. They also point to the growing appeal of a politics of discipline. These explanations are insufficient. They cannot tell us why the upper and middle class supported Duterte when they did in 2016. The Aquino administration was not the first to disappoint and Duterte hardly the first …
The Patchwork City
In The Patchwork City: Class, Space, and Politics in Metro Manila, Marco Z. Garrido seeks to understand how spatial forms actively shape class relations and experiences of democracy in a Global South urban environment. Focusing on classed interactions between the urban poor residing in slums and the upper- and middle-class living in enclaves, Garrido’s political ethnography of metropolitan Manila argues that spatial relations of proximity have sh…
Democracy as Disorder
Scholars contend that weak institutions as manifest in corruption and bad governance are driving people towards illiberal forms of democracy. This explanation is underspecified. It does not make clear why people are turning towards authoritarian rule instead of working to strengthen democratic institutions. It cannot explain why we are seeing, specifically, a turn to the politics of discipline in countries like the Philippines. We need a better g…
The Patchwork City
The Stakes and Approach
Chapter 1 describes the intellectual stakes and analytical approach of the project. With respect to the stakes, it relates the story at hand to three broader topics in urban and political sociology, namely: (1) The restructuring of cities in an era of globalization. Urban restructuring involves more than just the transformation of social and spatial structures. It involves the formation of distinct subjectivities and a particular economy of pract…
Conclusion
This section concludes the book by revisiting the three topics taken up in the Introduction. (1) Urban restructuring. At issue is not the extent of inequality but its spatial organization in the form of interspersion. Interspersion has worsened class relations, which may be characterized in terms of categorical inequality. (2) Democracy. Why do the middle class support the controversial Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte? The section suggests t…
The Politics of Electoral Siege
Chapter 6 argues that the middle class see themselves as besieged not just territorially but electorally. On the one hand, they see the poor as political dupes, able to be fooled and bought by unscrupulous politicians. On the other, they see themselves as possessing moral authority over the poor by virtue of their greater education and autonomy from political inducements. They see themselves, in short, as possessing a greater right to govern. The…
Boundary Imposition
The previous chapter focused on enclave residents imposing boundaries; this one features slum residents’ (or “squatters’”) experience of boundary imposition. Boundary imposition takes different forms. Slum residents may be excluded outright, their presence within enclaves may be circumscribed or surveilled, or they may feel out of place in exclusive spaces. In any case, the experience of boundary imposition has become more prevalent. Chapter 5 ar…
The Argument
Chapter 2 traces the formation of the urban poor and middle class as class groups. The poor in Manila developed a class identity as squatters in the decades following World War II. The middle class emerged as an economic and social group along with the country’s dual transition to free elections and freer markets in the 1980s and 1990s. Politically, the urban poor are depicted as lining up behind middle-class leadership. They are seen as being in…
Interspersion
Chapter 3 brings historical and spatial data to bear on the formation of interspersion, a pattern of segregation characterized by the general proximity of slums and enclaves. The chapter documents the growth and entrenchment of slums in Manila during the postwar decades. It documents the proliferation of upper- and middle-class enclaves, including gated subdivisions and condominiums, commercial complexes, and business districts. These two streams…
Dissensus
Chapter 8 shows there to be two Edsa 3s, one in the minds of Manila’s middle class and one in the minds of the urban poor, the one a product of political manipulation and the other an expression of people power. The two sides mobilized different facts in support of their respective interpretations. While the two sets of facts are not mutually exclusive, each party attends to only one set in their depiction of Edsa 3, and thus we end up with incom…
Introduction to Part Two
This section introduces the second part of the book. The focus of Part II is on the politicization of class identities defined by experiences of spatial discrimination and siege. The section also provides a primer on Philippine politics from 2001-2010.
Why the Poor Support Populism
Why do the poor respond to some populist appeals and not to others? Populist support is largely attributed to a leader’s “populist style.” Populist style is seen as consisting of tactics aimed at cultivating popular identification. This explanation, however, cannot tell us why the poor discriminate among leaders employing similar tactics. This article considers the question with respect to the Philippine populist Joseph Estrada. It finds that the…
The ground for the illiberal turn in the Philippines
We know a lot about the new wave of autocrats and how they operate but much less about why so many people, particularly in the developing world, are cheering them on. Case-in-point: How do we make sense of widespread popular support for Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte's strongman rule? Scholars generally cite frustration with a democracy widely regarded as elite-dominated and endemically corrupt, but this account is underspecified. Filipinos…
The Ideology of the Dual City
Postcolonial cities are dual cities not just because of global market forces, but also because of ideological currents operating through local real-estate markets - currents inculcated during the colonial period and adapted to the postcolonial one. Following Abidin Kusno, we may speak of the ideological continuity behind globalization in the continuing hold of a modernist ethic, not only on the imagination of planners and builders but on the pref…
Disciplining Democracy
Home is Another Country
Reconceptualizing Segregation from the Global South
In American sociology, segregation is usually conceived in terms of spatial concentration, social isolation, and the consolidation of race, place, and poverty. This conceptualization fails to capture the reality of segregation in many of the largest cities in the Global South. Studying segregation in these places presents an opportunity to “open up” the concept and reimagine it more expansively. In the paper, I compare segregation in Manila, Phil…
A conjunctural account of upper- and middle-class support for Rodrigo Duterte
Philippine scholars have largely interpreted Duterte's support among the upper and middle class as a rejection of the previous administration's incremental reformism. They also point to the growing appeal of a politics of discipline. These explanations are insufficient. They cannot tell us why the upper and middle class supported Duterte when they did in 2016. The Aquino administration was not the first to disappoint and Duterte hardly the first …
Toward a Global Urban Sociology
Many cities in the Global South are structurally different from the Northern, particularly American, cities on which much of urban sociology’s conceptual apparatus has been based. Thus, depicting them in terms of a standard urban vocabulary risks imposing an inappropriate way of seeing. We need a vocabulary that is able to accommodate their different urban experience. This special issue contributes to the work of building that vocabulary. We sele…
Rodrigo Duterte as "the Trump of Asia"? The Limits and Pitfalls of Thin Comparison
The former Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte often gets lumped together with the former U.S. president Donald Trump on the basis of their autocratic practices. However, there are crucial differences in their respective situations and the reception of their autocratic practices on the ground. Consequently, if we understand Duterte only through Trump or with reference to the category of "emerging autocrat" then we end up misunderstanding the sit…
How Interspersion Affects Class Relations
Scholars have identified a new configuration of spatial inequality in several of the largest cities in the developing world. This configuration, which I label interspersion, is characterized by the general proximity of classed spaces, particularly 'slums' and 'enclaves'. There is disagreement about how interspersion affects class relations. One side argues that it worsens class relations by foreclosing substantive class interaction; the other sid…
Democracy as Disorder
Scholars contend that weak institutions as manifest in corruption and bad governance are driving people towards illiberal forms of democracy. This explanation is underspecified. It does not make clear why people are turning towards authoritarian rule instead of working to strengthen democratic institutions. It cannot explain why we are seeing, specifically, a turn to the politics of discipline in countries like the Philippines. We need a better g…
Waiting for Duterte
A Thousand Years of Corruption
The scholarly and popular commonsense about corruption in the Philippines is that the country has always been corrupt. Seventy-eight years of corruption as an independent state (1946-2024) may as well have been a thousand. Lay and scholarly accounts explain this continuity with respect to traditional values and premature democratization. In both accounts, corruption is all but genetic to Philippine culture or politics. To be sure, continuity is s…
The Patchwork City
In The Patchwork City: Class, Space, and Politics in Metro Manila, Marco Z. Garrido seeks to understand how spatial forms actively shape class relations and experiences of democracy in a Global South urban environment. Focusing on classed interactions between the urban poor residing in slums and the upper- and middle-class living in enclaves, Garrido’s political ethnography of metropolitan Manila argues that spatial relations of proximity have sh…
Commitment and Contradiction
The US-led war on terror has made global security the foremost international priority. The true measure of international commitment to this goal will be whether and how it extends to areas of national interest, particularly in the economic domain. The campaigns for and against the Andean Trade Preference Expansion Act both invoke commitments to security which, upon scrutiny, prove to be specious. Both the US and the Philippines argue variations o…
Home is Another Country
Civil and Uncivil Society
This article interprets the two events in 2001 that deposed and attempted to reinstall Philippine President Joseph Estrada, known as Edsa 2 and Edsa 3, as two sides of a struggle over symbolic class boundaries. It argues that class is a particularly productive mode of analysis if attention is given to its cultural expression through status distinctions. In Metro Manila the distinction between masa (of the masses) and di masa (not of the masses) s…
The Sense of Place behind Segregating Practices
The literature on cities in the developing world equates segregation with the proliferation of enclaves and slums and tends to overlook how the people associated with those places are further segregated in public spaces and enclaves. To account for the symbolic partitioning of Metro Manila, I document the segregating practices of the residents of enclaves (villagers) and slums (squatters). These practices reveal a well-developed sense of place on…
The Ideology of the Dual City
Postcolonial cities are dual cities not just because of global market forces, but also because of ideological currents operating through local real-estate markets - currents inculcated during the colonial period and adapted to the postcolonial one. Following Abidin Kusno, we may speak of the ideological continuity behind globalization in the continuing hold of a modernist ethic, not only on the imagination of planners and builders but on the pref…
Why the Poor Support Populism
Why do the poor respond to some populist appeals and not to others? Populist support is largely attributed to a leader’s “populist style.” Populist style is seen as consisting of tactics aimed at cultivating popular identification. This explanation, however, cannot tell us why the poor discriminate among leaders employing similar tactics. This article considers the question with respect to the Philippine populist Joseph Estrada. It finds that the…
How Interspersion Affects Class Relations
Scholars have identified a new configuration of spatial inequality in several of the largest cities in the developing world. This configuration, which I label interspersion, is characterized by the general proximity of classed spaces, particularly 'slums' and 'enclaves'. There is disagreement about how interspersion affects class relations. One side argues that it worsens class relations by foreclosing substantive class interaction; the other sid…
The Patchwork City
The Stakes and Approach
Chapter 1 describes the intellectual stakes and analytical approach of the project. With respect to the stakes, it relates the story at hand to three broader topics in urban and political sociology, namely: (1) The restructuring of cities in an era of globalization. Urban restructuring involves more than just the transformation of social and spatial structures. It involves the formation of distinct subjectivities and a particular economy of pract…
Conclusion
This section concludes the book by revisiting the three topics taken up in the Introduction. (1) Urban restructuring. At issue is not the extent of inequality but its spatial organization in the form of interspersion. Interspersion has worsened class relations, which may be characterized in terms of categorical inequality. (2) Democracy. Why do the middle class support the controversial Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte? The section suggests t…
The Politics of Electoral Siege
Chapter 6 argues that the middle class see themselves as besieged not just territorially but electorally. On the one hand, they see the poor as political dupes, able to be fooled and bought by unscrupulous politicians. On the other, they see themselves as possessing moral authority over the poor by virtue of their greater education and autonomy from political inducements. They see themselves, in short, as possessing a greater right to govern. The…
Boundary Imposition
The previous chapter focused on enclave residents imposing boundaries; this one features slum residents’ (or “squatters’”) experience of boundary imposition. Boundary imposition takes different forms. Slum residents may be excluded outright, their presence within enclaves may be circumscribed or surveilled, or they may feel out of place in exclusive spaces. In any case, the experience of boundary imposition has become more prevalent. Chapter 5 ar…
The Argument
Chapter 2 traces the formation of the urban poor and middle class as class groups. The poor in Manila developed a class identity as squatters in the decades following World War II. The middle class emerged as an economic and social group along with the country’s dual transition to free elections and freer markets in the 1980s and 1990s. Politically, the urban poor are depicted as lining up behind middle-class leadership. They are seen as being in…
Interspersion
Chapter 3 brings historical and spatial data to bear on the formation of interspersion, a pattern of segregation characterized by the general proximity of slums and enclaves. The chapter documents the growth and entrenchment of slums in Manila during the postwar decades. It documents the proliferation of upper- and middle-class enclaves, including gated subdivisions and condominiums, commercial complexes, and business districts. These two streams…
Dissensus
Chapter 8 shows there to be two Edsa 3s, one in the minds of Manila’s middle class and one in the minds of the urban poor, the one a product of political manipulation and the other an expression of people power. The two sides mobilized different facts in support of their respective interpretations. While the two sets of facts are not mutually exclusive, each party attends to only one set in their depiction of Edsa 3, and thus we end up with incom…
Introduction to Part Two
This section introduces the second part of the book. The focus of Part II is on the politicization of class identities defined by experiences of spatial discrimination and siege. The section also provides a primer on Philippine politics from 2001-2010.
Imposing Boundaries
The aim of this chapter and the next is to show how interspersion affects relations between slum and enclave residents. The focus of Chapter 4 is on enclave residents ("villagers" as they are called locally). The argument is that the proximity of slum areas to enclaves fosters a sense of siege among enclave residents. They feel compelled to impose spatial boundaries on slum residents as a means of preventing crime and encroachment and of maintain…
Waiting for Duterte
Reconceptualizing Segregation from the Global South
In American sociology, segregation is usually conceived in terms of spatial concentration, social isolation, and the consolidation of race, place, and poverty. This conceptualization fails to capture the reality of segregation in many of the largest cities in the Global South. Studying segregation in these places presents an opportunity to “open up” the concept and reimagine it more expansively. In the paper, I compare segregation in Manila, Phil…
Toward a Global Urban Sociology
Many cities in the Global South are structurally different from the Northern, particularly American, cities on which much of urban sociology’s conceptual apparatus has been based. Thus, depicting them in terms of a standard urban vocabulary risks imposing an inappropriate way of seeing. We need a vocabulary that is able to accommodate their different urban experience. This special issue contributes to the work of building that vocabulary. We sele…
A conjunctural account of upper- and middle-class support for Rodrigo Duterte
Philippine scholars have largely interpreted Duterte's support among the upper and middle class as a rejection of the previous administration's incremental reformism. They also point to the growing appeal of a politics of discipline. These explanations are insufficient. They cannot tell us why the upper and middle class supported Duterte when they did in 2016. The Aquino administration was not the first to disappoint and Duterte hardly the first …
The Patchwork City
In The Patchwork City: Class, Space, and Politics in Metro Manila, Marco Z. Garrido seeks to understand how spatial forms actively shape class relations and experiences of democracy in a Global South urban environment. Focusing on classed interactions between the urban poor residing in slums and the upper- and middle-class living in enclaves, Garrido’s political ethnography of metropolitan Manila argues that spatial relations of proximity have sh…
Democracy as Disorder
Scholars contend that weak institutions as manifest in corruption and bad governance are driving people towards illiberal forms of democracy. This explanation is underspecified. It does not make clear why people are turning towards authoritarian rule instead of working to strengthen democratic institutions. It cannot explain why we are seeing, specifically, a turn to the politics of discipline in countries like the Philippines. We need a better g…
Maria Ressa
Maria Ressa worked at CNN for nearly twenty years, was the lead investigative reporter in Southeast Asia for terrorist networks, and she helped found the news website Rappler. In June 2020, Ressa was convicted of “cyber libel” and faces up to six years in prison
The New Line
This essay highlights democracy in the Philippines and how the Trump administration may have accelerated disenchantment with American democracy for Filipinos
Sociology (27 obras) · Political science (26 obras) · Law (24 obras) · Politics (19 obras) · Philippine History and Culture (16 obras) · Geography (12 obras) · Political economy (12 obras) · Computer Science (10 obras) · Epistemology (10 obras) · Law (10 obras)