Alan J Kuperman
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 177844 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | Alan J Kuperman |
| NOMBRES | Alan J |
| APELLIDO | Kuperman |
| FIRMA | KUPERMAN A J |
| AFILIACIONES | The University of Texas at Austin |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-2750-6752 |
| VERIFICADO | Sí |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 28 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 204 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 28 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 1999 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2026 |
| ÍNDICE H | 7 |
Russia’s failed “muscular mediation” in Nagorno-Karabakh
From 2015 to 2023, Russia engaged in coercive diplomacy seeking to avert and then truncate war between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh. This article explores if the recent theory of “Muscular Mediation” can explain Russia’s successes and failures. The theory specifies how a powerful mediator can end a war via mutual compromise – by first coercing one side and then the other – but also warns about conditions under which…
How Humanitarian Intervention Can Succeed
This article explores an unusually successful case of humanitarian intervention, in Liberia in 2003, to infer lessons for future implementation of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P).Multilateral intervention succeeded by avoiding two common errors.First, the United States did not encourage the rebels, even though they were fighting a reviled autocrat, but instead threatened them, thereby averting escalation.Second, regional actors offered asylum…
Moral hazard in Sudan's 'Two Areas' - humanitarianism that perpetuates civil war
This article examines how the conflict since 2011 in Sudan’s ‘Two Areas’, the states of South Kordofan and Blue Nile, has been prolonged by a well-intentioned but counter-productive international response. The United States and other western countries, motivated by humanitarianism, imposed sanctions against Sudan’s regime and provided aid to rebel regions. This western response was fostered partially by disinformation – about the genesis of the c…
Muscular Mediation and Ripeness Theory
William Zartman’s ‘ripeness’ theory says that parties to a violent conflict will not negotiate sincerely in the absence of a mutually hurting stalemate (MHS). In such circumstances, Zartman recommends a mediator employ coercion by escalating the conflict into a MHS, but the concept is not fully elaborated. Building on Zartman, this article specifies a new theory of ‘muscular mediation’, defined as a powerful mediator using coercion to achieve a m…
Did the R2P Foster Violence in Libya
In the early 1990s, the relationship between genocidal violence and international humanitarian intervention was understood simplistically. Such intervention was viewed as always a response to, and never a cause of, inter-group violence. Well-intentioned intervention was expected reliably to reduce harm to civilians. Thus, the only obstacle to saving lives was believed to be inadequate political will for intervention. This quaint notion was popula…
Humanitarian Hypocrisy
Constitutional Reform to Manage Ethnic Conflict
The edited volume that is the subject of this symposium, Constitutions and conflict management in Africa: Preventing civil war through institutional design (Kuperman, 2015), was motivated by a simp
An Illuminating Dialogue
It is a privilege to receive feedback from five such distinguished scholars and practitioners. In this brief reply, I aim to address their main critiques of the book in general and of my conclusions specifically. Their claims include the following: constitutional design has little to do with conflict management; one of the book's case studies is incorrectly coded; integrative constitutional design is exclusionary and thus causes conflict; partial…
A Model Humanitarian Intervention? Reassessing Nato's Libya Campaign
NATO's 2011 humanitarian military intervention in Libya has been hailed as a model for implementing the emerging norm of the responsibility to protect (R2P), on grounds that it prevented an impending bloodbath in Benghazi and facilitated the ouster of Libya's oppressive ruler, Muammar al-Qaddafi, who had targeted peaceful civilian protesters. Before the international community embraces such conclusions, however, a more rigorous assessment of the …
Mass Atrocity Response Operations
Find information about UTP Journals. University of Toronto Press is Canada’s leading academic publisher and one of the largest university presses in North America, with particular strengths in the social sciences, humanities, and business. The Book Publishing Division is widely recognized in Canada for its strength in history, political science, sociology, Indigenous studies, and cultural studies. Internationally, UTP is a leading publisher of me…
R2p
Gareth Evans makes big claims about an emerging international norm that he helped to formulate and promote: the ‘responsibility to protect’ (R2P). Unfortunately, the evidence is less than fully sup
Darfur
Although most humanitarians advocate more international intervention in Darfur, some analysts urge the opposite on grounds that intervention has backfired due to the problem of moral hazard.These contrarians argue that the expectation of benefiting from intervention is what emboldens Darfur's rebels to fight, which provokes state-sponsored retaliation against their perceived civilian supporters, thereby exacerbating and prolonging the humanitaria…
Wishful Thinking Will Not Stop Genocide
Find information about UTP Journals. University of Toronto Press is Canada’s leading academic publisher and one of the largest university presses in North America, with particular strengths in the social sciences, humanities, and business. The Book Publishing Division is widely recognized in Canada for its strength in history, political science, sociology, Indigenous studies, and cultural studies. Internationally, UTP is a leading publisher of me…
The Responsibility to Protect
The Moral Hazard of Humanitarian Intervention
This article explores a perverse consequence of the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention, or “Responsibility to Protect,” contrary to its intent of protecting civilians from genocide and ethnic cleansing. The root of the problem is that such genocidal violence often represents state retaliation against a substate group for rebellion (such as an armed secession) by some of its members. The emerging norm, by raising expectations of diplomatic…
Mitigating the Moral Hazard of Humanitarian Intervention
The emerging norm of humanitarian intervention, or the Responsibility to Protect, resembles a social insurance policy to protect ethnic groups against genocide and ethnic cleansing. If a state perpetrates such genocidal violence, the norm calls for a payout—up to and including military intervention—to protect the group and ensure its security, often by enhancing its autonomy from the state. Unfortunately, this leads to a common pathology of insur…
Introduction
The concept of moral hazard invites controversy because it appears to impugn the motives and character of seemingly innocent victims. It argues that, when people are protected by insurance, some of
Suicidal rebellions and the moral hazard of humanitarian intervention
This piece argues that the emerging norm of humanitarian military intervention, which is intended to prevent genocide and ethnic cleansing, perversely causes such violence through the dynamic of moral hazard. The norm, intended as a type of insurance policy against genocidal violence, unintentionally encourages disgruntled sub-state groups to rebel because they expect intervention to protect them from retaliation by the state. Actual intervention…
Provoking genocide
In most cases of mass killing since World War II—unlike the Holocaust—the victim group has triggered its own demise by violently challenging the authority of the state (Fein, 1990; Harff and Gurr
Is Partition Really the Only Hope? Reconciling Contradictory Findings About Ethnic Civil Wars
Wishful Thinking on Rwanda
Stinging Rebukes
Readings of the Rwandan Genocide
Une dimension particuliere du genocide rwandais est la responsabilite de la communaute internationale en general, et le role de la Belgique, de la France, des Etats-Unis, et des Nations unies en particulier, dans les evenements de 1994. L'A. presente et commente quatre nouvelles etudes occidentales sur le genocide rwandais : A.J. Kuperman, 2000 ; B.D. Jones, 2001 ; L.R. Melvern, 2000 ; W.M. Madsen, 1999. Selon l'A., ces travaux apportent de nouve…
The Limits of Humanitarian Intervention
In 1994 genocide in Rwanda claimed the lives of at least 500,000 Tutsi --some three-quarters of their population --while UN peacekeepers were withdrawn and the rest of the world stood aside. Ever since, it has been argued that a small military intervention could have prevented most of the killing. In The Limits of Humanitarian Intervention, Alan J. Kuperman exposes such conventional wisdom as myth. Combining unprecedented analyses of the genocide…
Alas, We Knew [with Reply]
The Moral Hazard of Humanitarian Intervention
This article explores a perverse consequence of the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention, or “Responsibility to Protect,” contrary to its intent of protecting civilians from genocide and ethnic cleansing. The root of the problem is that such genocidal violence often represents state retaliation against a substate group for rebellion (such as an armed secession) by some of its members. The emerging norm, by raising expectations of diplomatic…
The Limits of Humanitarian Intervention
In 1994 genocide in Rwanda claimed the lives of at least 500,000 Tutsi --some three-quarters of their population --while UN peacekeepers were withdrawn and the rest of the world stood aside. Ever since, it has been argued that a small military intervention could have prevented most of the killing. In The Limits of Humanitarian Intervention, Alan J. Kuperman exposes such conventional wisdom as myth. Combining unprecedented analyses of the genocide…
Suicidal rebellions and the moral hazard of humanitarian intervention
This piece argues that the emerging norm of humanitarian military intervention, which is intended to prevent genocide and ethnic cleansing, perversely causes such violence through the dynamic of moral hazard. The norm, intended as a type of insurance policy against genocidal violence, unintentionally encourages disgruntled sub-state groups to rebel because they expect intervention to protect them from retaliation by the state. Actual intervention…
A Model Humanitarian Intervention? Reassessing Nato's Libya Campaign
NATO's 2011 humanitarian military intervention in Libya has been hailed as a model for implementing the emerging norm of the responsibility to protect (R2P), on grounds that it prevented an impending bloodbath in Benghazi and facilitated the ouster of Libya's oppressive ruler, Muammar al-Qaddafi, who had targeted peaceful civilian protesters. Before the international community embraces such conclusions, however, a more rigorous assessment of the …
Provoking genocide
In most cases of mass killing since World War II—unlike the Holocaust—the victim group has triggered its own demise by violently challenging the authority of the state (Fein, 1990; Harff and Gurr
Rwanda in Retrospect
In a close examination of what a realistic US military intervention could have achieved in the 1994 genocide case in Rwanda the claim that 5000 US ground troops deployed at the outset of the killing could have prevented the genocide was found insupportable. This claim was originally made by the UN commanding general in Rwanda during the genocide and has since been endorsed by members of the Congress human rights groups and a distinguished panel o…
Darfur
Although most humanitarians advocate more international intervention in Darfur, some analysts urge the opposite on grounds that intervention has backfired due to the problem of moral hazard.These contrarians argue that the expectation of benefiting from intervention is what emboldens Darfur's rebels to fight, which provokes state-sponsored retaliation against their perceived civilian supporters, thereby exacerbating and prolonging the humanitaria…
Mitigating the Moral Hazard of Humanitarian Intervention
The emerging norm of humanitarian intervention, or the Responsibility to Protect, resembles a social insurance policy to protect ethnic groups against genocide and ethnic cleansing. If a state perpetrates such genocidal violence, the norm calls for a payout—up to and including military intervention—to protect the group and ensure its security, often by enhancing its autonomy from the state. Unfortunately, this leads to a common pathology of insur…
The Stinger Missile and U.S. Intervention in Afghanistan
Journal Article The Stinger Missile and U.S. Intervention in Afghanistan Get access Alan J. Kuperman Alan J. Kuperman ALAN J. KUPERMAN is a candidate for Ph.D. in political science at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and research fellow at the Brookings Institution during 1998–1999. Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Political Science Quarterly, Volume 114, Issue 2, Summer 1999, Pages 219–263, https:…
How Humanitarian Intervention Can Succeed
This article explores an unusually successful case of humanitarian intervention, in Liberia in 2003, to infer lessons for future implementation of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P).Multilateral intervention succeeded by avoiding two common errors.First, the United States did not encourage the rebels, even though they were fighting a reviled autocrat, but instead threatened them, thereby averting escalation.Second, regional actors offered asylum…
Did the R2P Foster Violence in Libya
In the early 1990s, the relationship between genocidal violence and international humanitarian intervention was understood simplistically. Such intervention was viewed as always a response to, and never a cause of, inter-group violence. Well-intentioned intervention was expected reliably to reduce harm to civilians. Thus, the only obstacle to saving lives was believed to be inadequate political will for intervention. This quaint notion was popula…
Readings of the Rwandan Genocide
Une dimension particuliere du genocide rwandais est la responsabilite de la communaute internationale en general, et le role de la Belgique, de la France, des Etats-Unis, et des Nations unies en particulier, dans les evenements de 1994. L'A. presente et commente quatre nouvelles etudes occidentales sur le genocide rwandais : A.J. Kuperman, 2000 ; B.D. Jones, 2001 ; L.R. Melvern, 2000 ; W.M. Madsen, 1999. Selon l'A., ces travaux apportent de nouve…
Constitutional Reform to Manage Ethnic Conflict
The edited volume that is the subject of this symposium, Constitutions and conflict management in Africa: Preventing civil war through institutional design (Kuperman, 2015), was motivated by a simp
The Responsibility to Protect
Introduction
The concept of moral hazard invites controversy because it appears to impugn the motives and character of seemingly innocent victims. It argues that, when people are protected by insurance, some of
Is Partition Really the Only Hope? Reconciling Contradictory Findings About Ethnic Civil Wars
Stick to Your Guns
The Stinger Missile and U.S. Intervention in Afghanistan
Journal Article The Stinger Missile and U.S. Intervention in Afghanistan Get access Alan J. Kuperman Alan J. Kuperman ALAN J. KUPERMAN is a candidate for Ph.D. in political science at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and research fellow at the Brookings Institution during 1998–1999. Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Political Science Quarterly, Volume 114, Issue 2, Summer 1999, Pages 219–263, https:…
Alas, We Knew [with Reply]
Rwanda in Retrospect
In a close examination of what a realistic US military intervention could have achieved in the 1994 genocide case in Rwanda the claim that 5000 US ground troops deployed at the outset of the killing could have prevented the genocide was found insupportable. This claim was originally made by the UN commanding general in Rwanda during the genocide and has since been endorsed by members of the Congress human rights groups and a distinguished panel o…
The Limits of Humanitarian Intervention
In 1994 genocide in Rwanda claimed the lives of at least 500,000 Tutsi --some three-quarters of their population --while UN peacekeepers were withdrawn and the rest of the world stood aside. Ever since, it has been argued that a small military intervention could have prevented most of the killing. In The Limits of Humanitarian Intervention, Alan J. Kuperman exposes such conventional wisdom as myth. Combining unprecedented analyses of the genocide…
Wishful Thinking on Rwanda
Stinging Rebukes
Readings of the Rwandan Genocide
Une dimension particuliere du genocide rwandais est la responsabilite de la communaute internationale en general, et le role de la Belgique, de la France, des Etats-Unis, et des Nations unies en particulier, dans les evenements de 1994. L'A. presente et commente quatre nouvelles etudes occidentales sur le genocide rwandais : A.J. Kuperman, 2000 ; B.D. Jones, 2001 ; L.R. Melvern, 2000 ; W.M. Madsen, 1999. Selon l'A., ces travaux apportent de nouve…
Provoking genocide
In most cases of mass killing since World War II—unlike the Holocaust—the victim group has triggered its own demise by violently challenging the authority of the state (Fein, 1990; Harff and Gurr
Is Partition Really the Only Hope? Reconciling Contradictory Findings About Ethnic Civil Wars
Introduction
The concept of moral hazard invites controversy because it appears to impugn the motives and character of seemingly innocent victims. It argues that, when people are protected by insurance, some of
Suicidal rebellions and the moral hazard of humanitarian intervention
This piece argues that the emerging norm of humanitarian military intervention, which is intended to prevent genocide and ethnic cleansing, perversely causes such violence through the dynamic of moral hazard. The norm, intended as a type of insurance policy against genocidal violence, unintentionally encourages disgruntled sub-state groups to rebel because they expect intervention to protect them from retaliation by the state. Actual intervention…
The Moral Hazard of Humanitarian Intervention
This article explores a perverse consequence of the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention, or “Responsibility to Protect,” contrary to its intent of protecting civilians from genocide and ethnic cleansing. The root of the problem is that such genocidal violence often represents state retaliation against a substate group for rebellion (such as an armed secession) by some of its members. The emerging norm, by raising expectations of diplomatic…
Mitigating the Moral Hazard of Humanitarian Intervention
The emerging norm of humanitarian intervention, or the Responsibility to Protect, resembles a social insurance policy to protect ethnic groups against genocide and ethnic cleansing. If a state perpetrates such genocidal violence, the norm calls for a payout—up to and including military intervention—to protect the group and ensure its security, often by enhancing its autonomy from the state. Unfortunately, this leads to a common pathology of insur…
Darfur
Although most humanitarians advocate more international intervention in Darfur, some analysts urge the opposite on grounds that intervention has backfired due to the problem of moral hazard.These contrarians argue that the expectation of benefiting from intervention is what emboldens Darfur's rebels to fight, which provokes state-sponsored retaliation against their perceived civilian supporters, thereby exacerbating and prolonging the humanitaria…
Wishful Thinking Will Not Stop Genocide
Find information about UTP Journals. University of Toronto Press is Canada’s leading academic publisher and one of the largest university presses in North America, with particular strengths in the social sciences, humanities, and business. The Book Publishing Division is widely recognized in Canada for its strength in history, political science, sociology, Indigenous studies, and cultural studies. Internationally, UTP is a leading publisher of me…
The Responsibility to Protect
Mass Atrocity Response Operations
Find information about UTP Journals. University of Toronto Press is Canada’s leading academic publisher and one of the largest university presses in North America, with particular strengths in the social sciences, humanities, and business. The Book Publishing Division is widely recognized in Canada for its strength in history, political science, sociology, Indigenous studies, and cultural studies. Internationally, UTP is a leading publisher of me…
R2p
Gareth Evans makes big claims about an emerging international norm that he helped to formulate and promote: the ‘responsibility to protect’ (R2P). Unfortunately, the evidence is less than fully sup
A Model Humanitarian Intervention? Reassessing Nato's Libya Campaign
NATO's 2011 humanitarian military intervention in Libya has been hailed as a model for implementing the emerging norm of the responsibility to protect (R2P), on grounds that it prevented an impending bloodbath in Benghazi and facilitated the ouster of Libya's oppressive ruler, Muammar al-Qaddafi, who had targeted peaceful civilian protesters. Before the international community embraces such conclusions, however, a more rigorous assessment of the …
Constitutional Reform to Manage Ethnic Conflict
The edited volume that is the subject of this symposium, Constitutions and conflict management in Africa: Preventing civil war through institutional design (Kuperman, 2015), was motivated by a simp
An Illuminating Dialogue
It is a privilege to receive feedback from five such distinguished scholars and practitioners. In this brief reply, I aim to address their main critiques of the book in general and of my conclusions specifically. Their claims include the following: constitutional design has little to do with conflict management; one of the book's case studies is incorrectly coded; integrative constitutional design is exclusionary and thus causes conflict; partial…
Did the R2P Foster Violence in Libya
In the early 1990s, the relationship between genocidal violence and international humanitarian intervention was understood simplistically. Such intervention was viewed as always a response to, and never a cause of, inter-group violence. Well-intentioned intervention was expected reliably to reduce harm to civilians. Thus, the only obstacle to saving lives was believed to be inadequate political will for intervention. This quaint notion was popula…
Humanitarian Hypocrisy
Muscular Mediation and Ripeness Theory
William Zartman’s ‘ripeness’ theory says that parties to a violent conflict will not negotiate sincerely in the absence of a mutually hurting stalemate (MHS). In such circumstances, Zartman recommends a mediator employ coercion by escalating the conflict into a MHS, but the concept is not fully elaborated. Building on Zartman, this article specifies a new theory of ‘muscular mediation’, defined as a powerful mediator using coercion to achieve a m…
Political science (27 obras) · Law (22 obras) · Sociology (18 obras) · Global Peace and Security Dynamics (17 obras) · Law (16 obras) · Psychology (16 obras) · Genocide (11 obras) · Law and economics (10 obras) · Criminology (9 obras) · Politics (8 obras)