Dag Tuastad
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 3099680 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | Dag Tuastad |
| NOMBRES | Dag |
| APELLIDO | Tuastad |
| FIRMA | TUASTAD D |
| AFILIACIONES | University of Oslo |
| VERIFICADO | No |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 15 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 44 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 15 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2003 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2026 |
| ÍNDICE H | 3 |
Introduction
This special issue is the result of a project that started in 2021 on football culture and religion in the Middle East.1 In 2024, we made a call for papers on the role of football as a force for cu
Football as the symbolic construction of non-war reality
In war zones, the quest for spaces of joy and life, emotionality, play, never goes away. People who are locked in, physically, politically or morally, become desperate to live normal lives and to have fun. Football provides an arena for meeting such demands. Thus, in Gaza under the Islamist Hamas rule from 2007 to 2023, football had a dual role. The first, mundanization, reminded people of normal life, life outside the war zone. The second, catha…
Må historien skrives på nytt etter 7/10? Fire nye bøker om den israelsk-palestinske og israelsk-iranske konflikten JørgenJensehaugenEn kort introduksjon til Israel–Palestina-konfliktenJens JohanHyviko…
Rebel governance and kinship groups in the Middle East and Africa
Since the 2010s, the Middle East and Africa have witnessed a sharp proliferation of insurgent proto-states – territorial enclaves controlled by insurgent groups. Gathering six ethnographic accounts from these regions, this volume seeks to answer the following: How do rebel governments and kin-based forms of socio-political organisation shape and influence one another? When rebels establish territorial control, their emerging proto-states will be …
Hamas and the clans
To explain how the Islamic resistance movement Hamas has remained in power in Gaza for nearly two decades, the police state argument, ruling through the use of force, is insufficient. One also needs to look at Hamas’ relation to Gaza’s ubiquitous kinship groups. Gazans’ trust in kinship institutions is deeply rooted, as is confirmed by a survey presented in the article. After seizing power in Gaza in 2007 Hamas approached the kinship sector with …
We Are mansaf , You Are mulūkhīya ”
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
The Violent Rise of Palestine’s Lost Generation
The ‘Oslo generation,’ the youth of Palestine born after the 1993 Oslo Agreement, is Palestine’s lost generation. They have experienced a near complete exclusion from ordinary political participation, dominated by the elders of the Palestinian national movement. Their trust in the parent generation and the Palestinian National Authority has been undermined equally. The vacuum created by the weakened parental and national authority has been filled…
State of exception’ or ‘state in exile’? The fallacy of appropriating Agamben on Palestinian refugee camps
To refer to Palestinian refugee camps as states-of-exception, appropriating the paradigm of Giorgio Agamben, is definitely tempting. Agamben argues that in times of crisis, individual rights of citizens are diminished and entire categories of people kept outside the political system.\nNevertheless, there are flaws in applying Agamben’s perspective on Palestinian camps. It acquits the camp residents from the autonomy over their own political agenc…
Nationalist Patriarchy, Clan Democracy
This article discusses how the historical trajectory of patriarchal norms in the political domain among the Palestinians inside Israel differs from that of the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, emphasizing the role of regular political elections in reducing the prevalence of patriarchal-based politics. After 1948, the power of old clan leaders increased among the Palestinians inside, whereas within the Palestinian national movement founded …
A Threat to National Unity’ – Football in Jordan
In Jordan, national identity is composed of two sub-national identities: the Transjordanian identity of Jordan's indigenous inhabitants from east of the Jordan river, and the Palestinians originating in the west of the Jordan river. Historically, the Jordanian throne has maintained power through an alliance with the Transjordanians. As the majority of the Jordanians are of Palestinian origin, democratisation in Jordan would likely imply the Pales…
From football riot to revolution. The political role of football in the Arab world
In the Arab world, ideological resistance of supporters during football matches have coalesced with another rebellion, of youth breaking the chains of patriarchal power. The political implication of this social process is tremendous. As youth have experienced that they have had to yield to the will of parents and grandparents at home, and to the old dictators in the public field, finding a social arena where one could liberate one-selves from the…
Hamas‐PLO Relations Before and After the arab Spring
The Role of International Clientelism in the National Factionalism of Palestine
In this article I investigate the role of the international community's policy in the national factionalism in Palestine. I attempt to illuminate how international policy has contributed to the sustaining of internecine Palestinian violence as Fatah, which lost the elections in 2005 and 2006, has been motivated not to hand over power. In the process of selecting allies in the fight against Islamist terrorism, the epitomic undemocratic feature of …
Political Participation in the Middle East
Neo-Orientalism and the new barbarism thesis
Imaginaries of 'terrorism' and 'Arab mind' backwardness can be seen as closely connected: the latter explains the former as irrational--violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures. I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence: new barbarism. The 'new barbarism' thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contex…
Neo-Orientalism and the new barbarism thesis
Imaginaries of 'terrorism' and 'Arab mind' backwardness can be seen as closely connected: the latter explains the former as irrational--violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures. I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence: new barbarism. The 'new barbarism' thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contex…
From football riot to revolution. The political role of football in the Arab world
In the Arab world, ideological resistance of supporters during football matches have coalesced with another rebellion, of youth breaking the chains of patriarchal power. The political implication of this social process is tremendous. As youth have experienced that they have had to yield to the will of parents and grandparents at home, and to the old dictators in the public field, finding a social arena where one could liberate one-selves from the…
State of exception’ or ‘state in exile’? The fallacy of appropriating Agamben on Palestinian refugee camps
To refer to Palestinian refugee camps as states-of-exception, appropriating the paradigm of Giorgio Agamben, is definitely tempting. Agamben argues that in times of crisis, individual rights of citizens are diminished and entire categories of people kept outside the political system.\nNevertheless, there are flaws in applying Agamben’s perspective on Palestinian camps. It acquits the camp residents from the autonomy over their own political agenc…
The Violent Rise of Palestine’s Lost Generation
The ‘Oslo generation,’ the youth of Palestine born after the 1993 Oslo Agreement, is Palestine’s lost generation. They have experienced a near complete exclusion from ordinary political participation, dominated by the elders of the Palestinian national movement. Their trust in the parent generation and the Palestinian National Authority has been undermined equally. The vacuum created by the weakened parental and national authority has been filled…
Hamas and the clans
To explain how the Islamic resistance movement Hamas has remained in power in Gaza for nearly two decades, the police state argument, ruling through the use of force, is insufficient. One also needs to look at Hamas’ relation to Gaza’s ubiquitous kinship groups. Gazans’ trust in kinship institutions is deeply rooted, as is confirmed by a survey presented in the article. After seizing power in Gaza in 2007 Hamas approached the kinship sector with …
A Threat to National Unity’ – Football in Jordan
In Jordan, national identity is composed of two sub-national identities: the Transjordanian identity of Jordan's indigenous inhabitants from east of the Jordan river, and the Palestinians originating in the west of the Jordan river. Historically, the Jordanian throne has maintained power through an alliance with the Transjordanians. As the majority of the Jordanians are of Palestinian origin, democratisation in Jordan would likely imply the Pales…
The Role of International Clientelism in the National Factionalism of Palestine
In this article I investigate the role of the international community's policy in the national factionalism in Palestine. I attempt to illuminate how international policy has contributed to the sustaining of internecine Palestinian violence as Fatah, which lost the elections in 2005 and 2006, has been motivated not to hand over power. In the process of selecting allies in the fight against Islamist terrorism, the epitomic undemocratic feature of …
We Are mansaf , You Are mulūkhīya ”
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Neo-Orientalism and the new barbarism thesis
Imaginaries of 'terrorism' and 'Arab mind' backwardness can be seen as closely connected: the latter explains the former as irrational--violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures. I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence: new barbarism. The 'new barbarism' thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contex…
Political Participation in the Middle East
The Role of International Clientelism in the National Factionalism of Palestine
In this article I investigate the role of the international community's policy in the national factionalism in Palestine. I attempt to illuminate how international policy has contributed to the sustaining of internecine Palestinian violence as Fatah, which lost the elections in 2005 and 2006, has been motivated not to hand over power. In the process of selecting allies in the fight against Islamist terrorism, the epitomic undemocratic feature of …
From football riot to revolution. The political role of football in the Arab world
In the Arab world, ideological resistance of supporters during football matches have coalesced with another rebellion, of youth breaking the chains of patriarchal power. The political implication of this social process is tremendous. As youth have experienced that they have had to yield to the will of parents and grandparents at home, and to the old dictators in the public field, finding a social arena where one could liberate one-selves from the…
Hamas‐PLO Relations Before and After the arab Spring
A Threat to National Unity’ – Football in Jordan
In Jordan, national identity is composed of two sub-national identities: the Transjordanian identity of Jordan's indigenous inhabitants from east of the Jordan river, and the Palestinians originating in the west of the Jordan river. Historically, the Jordanian throne has maintained power through an alliance with the Transjordanians. As the majority of the Jordanians are of Palestinian origin, democratisation in Jordan would likely imply the Pales…
The Violent Rise of Palestine’s Lost Generation
The ‘Oslo generation,’ the youth of Palestine born after the 1993 Oslo Agreement, is Palestine’s lost generation. They have experienced a near complete exclusion from ordinary political participation, dominated by the elders of the Palestinian national movement. Their trust in the parent generation and the Palestinian National Authority has been undermined equally. The vacuum created by the weakened parental and national authority has been filled…
State of exception’ or ‘state in exile’? The fallacy of appropriating Agamben on Palestinian refugee camps
To refer to Palestinian refugee camps as states-of-exception, appropriating the paradigm of Giorgio Agamben, is definitely tempting. Agamben argues that in times of crisis, individual rights of citizens are diminished and entire categories of people kept outside the political system.\nNevertheless, there are flaws in applying Agamben’s perspective on Palestinian camps. It acquits the camp residents from the autonomy over their own political agenc…
Nationalist Patriarchy, Clan Democracy
This article discusses how the historical trajectory of patriarchal norms in the political domain among the Palestinians inside Israel differs from that of the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, emphasizing the role of regular political elections in reducing the prevalence of patriarchal-based politics. After 1948, the power of old clan leaders increased among the Palestinians inside, whereas within the Palestinian national movement founded …
We Are mansaf , You Are mulūkhīya ”
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Rebel governance and kinship groups in the Middle East and Africa
Since the 2010s, the Middle East and Africa have witnessed a sharp proliferation of insurgent proto-states – territorial enclaves controlled by insurgent groups. Gathering six ethnographic accounts from these regions, this volume seeks to answer the following: How do rebel governments and kin-based forms of socio-political organisation shape and influence one another? When rebels establish territorial control, their emerging proto-states will be …
Hamas and the clans
To explain how the Islamic resistance movement Hamas has remained in power in Gaza for nearly two decades, the police state argument, ruling through the use of force, is insufficient. One also needs to look at Hamas’ relation to Gaza’s ubiquitous kinship groups. Gazans’ trust in kinship institutions is deeply rooted, as is confirmed by a survey presented in the article. After seizing power in Gaza in 2007 Hamas approached the kinship sector with …
Må historien skrives på nytt etter 7/10? Fire nye bøker om den israelsk-palestinske og israelsk-iranske konflikten JørgenJensehaugenEn kort introduksjon til Israel–Palestina-konfliktenJens JohanHyviko…
Introduction
This special issue is the result of a project that started in 2021 on football culture and religion in the Middle East.1 In 2024, we made a call for papers on the role of football as a force for cu
Football as the symbolic construction of non-war reality
In war zones, the quest for spaces of joy and life, emotionality, play, never goes away. People who are locked in, physically, politically or morally, become desperate to live normal lives and to have fun. Football provides an arena for meeting such demands. Thus, in Gaza under the Islamist Hamas rule from 2007 to 2023, football had a dual role. The first, mundanization, reminded people of normal life, life outside the war zone. The second, catha…
Jewish and Middle Eastern Studies (15 obras) · Law (11 obras) · Political science (11 obras) · Politics (10 obras) · Sociology (10 obras) · Middle East Politics and Society (9 obras) · History (8 obras) · Political economy (8 obras) · History (7 obras) · Law (7 obras)