Mamoru Saito
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 3850842 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | Mamoru Saito |
| NOMBRES | Mamoru |
| APELLIDO | Saito |
| FIRMA | SAITO M |
| AFILIACIONES | Nanzan University |
| VERIFICADO | No |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 15 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 83 |
| OBRAS COMO AUTOR | 15 |
| OBRAS COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 1983 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2026 |
| ÍNDICE H | 4 |
Argument ellipsis, weak heads, and labeling by Case
This paper proposes licensing conditions on argument ellipsis in terms of labeling. Given the LF copy analysis of argument ellipsis, the absence of φ-feature agreement is an overall necessary condition because of the activation condition on agreement. The paper assumes Richards’ (2003) proposal that an elided element counts as a head in syntactic structure, and proposes that one of two conditions, in addition, must be satisfied so that the consti…
Null Arguments in EA Languages Revisited
The main question this paper addresses is what makes argument ellipsis in Japanese (and Korean) possible. It first presents evidence for the LF copying analysis of the phenomenon. Then, it proposes that Japanese allows ellipsis of all sorts of arguments due to two factors. The first is the absence of j-feature agreement. A DP antecedent copied into an ellipsis site at LF lacks unvalued features and cannot participate in j-feature agreement becaus…
On Minimal Yield and Form Copy
The FormCopy (FC) analysis of control proposed by Noam Chomsky develops Norbert Hornstein’s movement analysis. This paper points out that there is inconsistency between both analyses and the standard phase theory. Then, it presents a new definition of phase and the PIC that makes reference to φ-feature agreement in order to resolve this inconsistency. Minimal Yield (MY) is one of the conditions on Merge that distinguish the FC analysis from the m…
Introduction
Japanese wh-phrases as operators with unspecified quantificational force
Japanese wh-expressions appear in various kinds of operator-variable structures, including wh-questions and sentences with universal and existential quantification. The nature of the operator-variable relation is determined by an associated particle, such as the question marker ka or the universal particle mo . Given this, it has been widely assumed since Kuroda (1965) that the wh-expressions are to be interpreted as variables bound by those quan…
(A) Case for labeling
This paper explores the labeling mechanism in Japanese and other languages that lack φ-feature agreement. It is proposed in
N'-ellipsis and the structure of noun phrases in Chinese and Japanese
On The Causative Construction
Japanese Scrambling in a Comparative Perspective
A derivational approach to the interpretation of scrambling chains
Order in Phrase Structure and Movement
This article proposes the following mechanism of Merge, modifying and incorporating the effect of the head parameter: K = {γ, 〈α, β〉}, where γ ε {α, β} a. γ = α: head-initial, left-headed b. γ = β: head-final, right-headed It is argued that under the parameterized version of Merge, traditional "adjunction" operations (scrambling and heavy NP shift) are characterized as substitution in the sense that they always accompany the projection of the tar…
Additional-wh effects and the adjunction site theory
Long distance scrambling in Japanese
On the Nature of Proper Government
Weak crossover and move ? in Japanese
Order in Phrase Structure and Movement
This article proposes the following mechanism of Merge, modifying and incorporating the effect of the head parameter: K = {γ, 〈α, β〉}, where γ ε {α, β} a. γ = α: head-initial, left-headed b. γ = β: head-final, right-headed It is argued that under the parameterized version of Merge, traditional "adjunction" operations (scrambling and heavy NP shift) are characterized as substitution in the sense that they always accompany the projection of the tar…
A derivational approach to the interpretation of scrambling chains
Weak crossover and move ? in Japanese
On The Causative Construction
Weak crossover and move ? in Japanese
On the Nature of Proper Government
Long distance scrambling in Japanese
Additional-wh effects and the adjunction site theory
Order in Phrase Structure and Movement
This article proposes the following mechanism of Merge, modifying and incorporating the effect of the head parameter: K = {γ, 〈α, β〉}, where γ ε {α, β} a. γ = α: head-initial, left-headed b. γ = β: head-final, right-headed It is argued that under the parameterized version of Merge, traditional "adjunction" operations (scrambling and heavy NP shift) are characterized as substitution in the sense that they always accompany the projection of the tar…
A derivational approach to the interpretation of scrambling chains
Japanese Scrambling in a Comparative Perspective
N'-ellipsis and the structure of noun phrases in Chinese and Japanese
On The Causative Construction
(A) Case for labeling
This paper explores the labeling mechanism in Japanese and other languages that lack φ-feature agreement. It is proposed in
Japanese wh-phrases as operators with unspecified quantificational force
Japanese wh-expressions appear in various kinds of operator-variable structures, including wh-questions and sentences with universal and existential quantification. The nature of the operator-variable relation is determined by an associated particle, such as the question marker ka or the universal particle mo . Given this, it has been widely assumed since Kuroda (1965) that the wh-expressions are to be interpreted as variables bound by those quan…
Null Arguments in EA Languages Revisited
The main question this paper addresses is what makes argument ellipsis in Japanese (and Korean) possible. It first presents evidence for the LF copying analysis of the phenomenon. Then, it proposes that Japanese allows ellipsis of all sorts of arguments due to two factors. The first is the absence of j-feature agreement. A DP antecedent copied into an ellipsis site at LF lacks unvalued features and cannot participate in j-feature agreement becaus…
On Minimal Yield and Form Copy
The FormCopy (FC) analysis of control proposed by Noam Chomsky develops Norbert Hornstein’s movement analysis. This paper points out that there is inconsistency between both analyses and the standard phase theory. Then, it presents a new definition of phase and the PIC that makes reference to φ-feature agreement in order to resolve this inconsistency. Minimal Yield (MY) is one of the conditions on Merge that distinguish the FC analysis from the m…
Introduction
Argument ellipsis, weak heads, and labeling by Case
This paper proposes licensing conditions on argument ellipsis in terms of labeling. Given the LF copy analysis of argument ellipsis, the absence of φ-feature agreement is an overall necessary condition because of the activation condition on agreement. The paper assumes Richards’ (2003) proposal that an elided element counts as a head in syntactic structure, and proposes that one of two conditions, in addition, must be satisfied so that the consti…
Computer Science (12 obras) · Linguistics (12 obras) · Philosophy (12 obras) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (12 obras) · Mathematics (9 obras) · Artificial Intelligence (6 obras) · Scrambling (6 obras) · Natural language processing (5 obras) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (4 obras) · Epistemology (3 obras)