Vibeke Wang
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 3962942 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | Vibeke Wang |
| NOMBRES | Vibeke |
| APELLIDO | Wang |
| FIRMA | WANG V |
| AFILIACIONES | Chr. Michelsen Institute |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-4352-2381 |
| VERIFICADO | Sí |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 15 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 264 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 15 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2012 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2026 |
| ÍNDICE H | 8 |
Stressors in Political Office
Funding demands and gender in political recruitment
How do political parties in low- and high-cost institutional contexts respond to funding inequalities as a source of gender imbalance for those seeking elected office? We rely on a ‘most similar’ logic to answer this question and develop two categories of cost intensity comprised of three institutions – electoral system, candidate selection model and public funding. Our findings show that parties in both contexts see funding as a source of inequa…
Explaining Backlash
Governments promote gender-sensitive policies, yet little is known about why reform campaigns evoke backlash. Drawing on social position theory, we test whether marginalized (women’s organizations) or intrusive (Western donors) messengers cause resistance across public rights (quotas) and private rights (land reform). Using a framing experiment implemented among 1,704 Malawians, we find that females’ attitudes are unaffected by campaigns, while b…
Do women face a different standard? The interplay of gender and corruption in the 2014 presidential elections in Malawi
Affirmative action measures and electoral candidates' positioning in Zambia
While the increase of women in elected office has received much scholarly attention, less attention has been paid to the dynamics of resisting gender quotas in countries that fail to adopt such measures despite regional and international pressure. We develop a context-sensitive typology of affirmative action measures that includes gender quotas and funding incentives and explore determinants of electoral candidates' positioning in the context of …
Candidate selection and informal soft quotas for women
What does it take for a female aspirant to win a party nomination in a candidate-centered electoral system in an emerging democracy? Three decades after the third wave of democratization hit Africa, we still know little about women’s entry into politics in countries without formal gender quotas. In this paper we use qualitative interview data on the nomination processes of Zambia’s three main political parties to explore formal and informal aspec…
Why the Gender of Traditional Authorities Matters
Traditional leadership often coexists with modern political institutions; yet, we know little about how traditional and state authority cues—or those from male or female sources—affect public opinion. Using an original survey experiment of 1,381 Malawians embedded in the 2016 Local Governance Performance Index (LGPI), we randomly assign respondents into one of four treatment groups or a control group to hear messages about a child marriage reform…
Counter-Mobilization against Child Marriage Reform in Africa
Legislating a minimum age of marriage at 18 has stirred counter-mobilization in some, but not all, countries where religious or traditional institutions enjoy constitutional authority. To explore differences between states regarding likelihood of counter-mobilization, we investigate two cases in Africa. In Sudan, a government-led child marriage reform initiative has sparked counter-mobilization by conservative religious actors, while a similar in…
Recruitment mechanisms for reserved seats for women in parliament and switches to non-quota seats
Tanzania and Uganda are among the most cited countries employing reserved-seat quotas. They adopted these quotas in 1985 and 1989, respectively. However, the two countries use different mechanisms to recruit reserved-seat members of parliament (MPs). Drawing on interview data from Tanzania and Uganda, this study compares the two models in terms of their effectiveness in facilitating the transfer of female MPs to non-quota seats in subsequent elec…
Quotas and Women's Substantive Representation
Despite the popularity of electoral gender quotas, the substantive impact of quotas on the plenary behavior of members of parliament (MPs) has yet to be thoroughly empirically explored, and in particular, there is a dearth of evidence from non-Western cases. Here we create a unique content analysis dataset from 14 years (1998–2011) of plenary debates, including the contents of more than 150,000 unique MP speeches recorded in some 40,000 pages of …
Tracing Gender Differences in Parliamentary Debates
Participation in legislative debates is potentially an important tool for Members of Parliament (MPs) to communicate policy positions and exert influence on the policy process. Yet there are few studies of legislative speech behaviour, and specifically gendered analyses are sparse. This article examines how gender and gender quotas affect speech activity measured in terms of how much MPs speak on the floor of the Ugandan parliament. An original d…
Present Without Presence? Gender, Quotas and Debate Recognition in the Ugandan Parliament
This article charts a new direction in gender quota research by examining whether female legislators in general, and quota recipients in particular, are accorded respect and authority in plenary debates. We measure this recognition in relation to the number of times an individual member of parliament (MP) is referred to by name in plenary debates. We use a unique dataset from the Ugandan parliament to assess the determinants of MP name recognitio…
Exploring the relationship between democratization and quota policies in Africa
Women changing policy outcomes
Executive dominance and the politics of quota representation in Uganda
Quota policies securing the presence of marginalised groups in decision-making bodies have been adopted across sub-Saharan Africa. These policies are frequently understood through the lens of a pluralist perspective. This stance is not appropriate in African regimes characterised by executive dominance. Through a qualitative study of official documents, newspaper articles and interviews conducted during two field studies in Uganda in 2005 and 201…
Quotas and Women's Substantive Representation
Despite the popularity of electoral gender quotas, the substantive impact of quotas on the plenary behavior of members of parliament (MPs) has yet to be thoroughly empirically explored, and in particular, there is a dearth of evidence from non-Western cases. Here we create a unique content analysis dataset from 14 years (1998–2011) of plenary debates, including the contents of more than 150,000 unique MP speeches recorded in some 40,000 pages of …
Present Without Presence? Gender, Quotas and Debate Recognition in the Ugandan Parliament
This article charts a new direction in gender quota research by examining whether female legislators in general, and quota recipients in particular, are accorded respect and authority in plenary debates. We measure this recognition in relation to the number of times an individual member of parliament (MP) is referred to by name in plenary debates. We use a unique dataset from the Ugandan parliament to assess the determinants of MP name recognitio…
Executive dominance and the politics of quota representation in Uganda
Quota policies securing the presence of marginalised groups in decision-making bodies have been adopted across sub-Saharan Africa. These policies are frequently understood through the lens of a pluralist perspective. This stance is not appropriate in African regimes characterised by executive dominance. Through a qualitative study of official documents, newspaper articles and interviews conducted during two field studies in Uganda in 2005 and 201…
Women changing policy outcomes
Tracing Gender Differences in Parliamentary Debates
Participation in legislative debates is potentially an important tool for Members of Parliament (MPs) to communicate policy positions and exert influence on the policy process. Yet there are few studies of legislative speech behaviour, and specifically gendered analyses are sparse. This article examines how gender and gender quotas affect speech activity measured in terms of how much MPs speak on the floor of the Ugandan parliament. An original d…
Exploring the relationship between democratization and quota policies in Africa
Why the Gender of Traditional Authorities Matters
Traditional leadership often coexists with modern political institutions; yet, we know little about how traditional and state authority cues—or those from male or female sources—affect public opinion. Using an original survey experiment of 1,381 Malawians embedded in the 2016 Local Governance Performance Index (LGPI), we randomly assign respondents into one of four treatment groups or a control group to hear messages about a child marriage reform…
Candidate selection and informal soft quotas for women
What does it take for a female aspirant to win a party nomination in a candidate-centered electoral system in an emerging democracy? Three decades after the third wave of democratization hit Africa, we still know little about women’s entry into politics in countries without formal gender quotas. In this paper we use qualitative interview data on the nomination processes of Zambia’s three main political parties to explore formal and informal aspec…
Recruitment mechanisms for reserved seats for women in parliament and switches to non-quota seats
Tanzania and Uganda are among the most cited countries employing reserved-seat quotas. They adopted these quotas in 1985 and 1989, respectively. However, the two countries use different mechanisms to recruit reserved-seat members of parliament (MPs). Drawing on interview data from Tanzania and Uganda, this study compares the two models in terms of their effectiveness in facilitating the transfer of female MPs to non-quota seats in subsequent elec…
Counter-Mobilization against Child Marriage Reform in Africa
Legislating a minimum age of marriage at 18 has stirred counter-mobilization in some, but not all, countries where religious or traditional institutions enjoy constitutional authority. To explore differences between states regarding likelihood of counter-mobilization, we investigate two cases in Africa. In Sudan, a government-led child marriage reform initiative has sparked counter-mobilization by conservative religious actors, while a similar in…
Funding demands and gender in political recruitment
How do political parties in low- and high-cost institutional contexts respond to funding inequalities as a source of gender imbalance for those seeking elected office? We rely on a ‘most similar’ logic to answer this question and develop two categories of cost intensity comprised of three institutions – electoral system, candidate selection model and public funding. Our findings show that parties in both contexts see funding as a source of inequa…
Explaining Backlash
Governments promote gender-sensitive policies, yet little is known about why reform campaigns evoke backlash. Drawing on social position theory, we test whether marginalized (women’s organizations) or intrusive (Western donors) messengers cause resistance across public rights (quotas) and private rights (land reform). Using a framing experiment implemented among 1,704 Malawians, we find that females’ attitudes are unaffected by campaigns, while b…
Do women face a different standard? The interplay of gender and corruption in the 2014 presidential elections in Malawi
Executive dominance and the politics of quota representation in Uganda
Quota policies securing the presence of marginalised groups in decision-making bodies have been adopted across sub-Saharan Africa. These policies are frequently understood through the lens of a pluralist perspective. This stance is not appropriate in African regimes characterised by executive dominance. Through a qualitative study of official documents, newspaper articles and interviews conducted during two field studies in Uganda in 2005 and 201…
Exploring the relationship between democratization and quota policies in Africa
Women changing policy outcomes
Tracing Gender Differences in Parliamentary Debates
Participation in legislative debates is potentially an important tool for Members of Parliament (MPs) to communicate policy positions and exert influence on the policy process. Yet there are few studies of legislative speech behaviour, and specifically gendered analyses are sparse. This article examines how gender and gender quotas affect speech activity measured in terms of how much MPs speak on the floor of the Ugandan parliament. An original d…
Present Without Presence? Gender, Quotas and Debate Recognition in the Ugandan Parliament
This article charts a new direction in gender quota research by examining whether female legislators in general, and quota recipients in particular, are accorded respect and authority in plenary debates. We measure this recognition in relation to the number of times an individual member of parliament (MP) is referred to by name in plenary debates. We use a unique dataset from the Ugandan parliament to assess the determinants of MP name recognitio…
Quotas and Women's Substantive Representation
Despite the popularity of electoral gender quotas, the substantive impact of quotas on the plenary behavior of members of parliament (MPs) has yet to be thoroughly empirically explored, and in particular, there is a dearth of evidence from non-Western cases. Here we create a unique content analysis dataset from 14 years (1998–2011) of plenary debates, including the contents of more than 150,000 unique MP speeches recorded in some 40,000 pages of …
Counter-Mobilization against Child Marriage Reform in Africa
Legislating a minimum age of marriage at 18 has stirred counter-mobilization in some, but not all, countries where religious or traditional institutions enjoy constitutional authority. To explore differences between states regarding likelihood of counter-mobilization, we investigate two cases in Africa. In Sudan, a government-led child marriage reform initiative has sparked counter-mobilization by conservative religious actors, while a similar in…
Recruitment mechanisms for reserved seats for women in parliament and switches to non-quota seats
Tanzania and Uganda are among the most cited countries employing reserved-seat quotas. They adopted these quotas in 1985 and 1989, respectively. However, the two countries use different mechanisms to recruit reserved-seat members of parliament (MPs). Drawing on interview data from Tanzania and Uganda, this study compares the two models in terms of their effectiveness in facilitating the transfer of female MPs to non-quota seats in subsequent elec…
Candidate selection and informal soft quotas for women
What does it take for a female aspirant to win a party nomination in a candidate-centered electoral system in an emerging democracy? Three decades after the third wave of democratization hit Africa, we still know little about women’s entry into politics in countries without formal gender quotas. In this paper we use qualitative interview data on the nomination processes of Zambia’s three main political parties to explore formal and informal aspec…
Why the Gender of Traditional Authorities Matters
Traditional leadership often coexists with modern political institutions; yet, we know little about how traditional and state authority cues—or those from male or female sources—affect public opinion. Using an original survey experiment of 1,381 Malawians embedded in the 2016 Local Governance Performance Index (LGPI), we randomly assign respondents into one of four treatment groups or a control group to hear messages about a child marriage reform…
Do women face a different standard? The interplay of gender and corruption in the 2014 presidential elections in Malawi
Affirmative action measures and electoral candidates' positioning in Zambia
While the increase of women in elected office has received much scholarly attention, less attention has been paid to the dynamics of resisting gender quotas in countries that fail to adopt such measures despite regional and international pressure. We develop a context-sensitive typology of affirmative action measures that includes gender quotas and funding incentives and explore determinants of electoral candidates' positioning in the context of …
Explaining Backlash
Governments promote gender-sensitive policies, yet little is known about why reform campaigns evoke backlash. Drawing on social position theory, we test whether marginalized (women’s organizations) or intrusive (Western donors) messengers cause resistance across public rights (quotas) and private rights (land reform). Using a framing experiment implemented among 1,704 Malawians, we find that females’ attitudes are unaffected by campaigns, while b…
Funding demands and gender in political recruitment
How do political parties in low- and high-cost institutional contexts respond to funding inequalities as a source of gender imbalance for those seeking elected office? We rely on a ‘most similar’ logic to answer this question and develop two categories of cost intensity comprised of three institutions – electoral system, candidate selection model and public funding. Our findings show that parties in both contexts see funding as a source of inequa…
Stressors in Political Office
Political science (14 obras) · Politics (14 obras) · Gender Politics and Representation (13 obras) · Law (12 obras) · Sociology (11 obras) · Law (10 obras) · Economics (8 obras) · Public Administration (8 obras) · Gender Diversity and Inequality (7 obras) · Public Administration (7 obras)