Byron D’andra Orey
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 4122386 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | Byron D’andra Orey |
| NOMBRES | Byron D’andra |
| APELLIDO | Orey |
| FIRMA | OREY B D |
| AFILIACIONES | University of Nebraska–Lincoln |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-9908-0885 |
| VERIFICADO | Sí |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 13 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 111 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 13 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2000 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2021 |
| ÍNDICE H | 7 |
Racial identity and emotional responses to confederate symbols
Objective This research tests whether psychological predispositions influence African Americans’ emotional responses to Confederate battle symbols. The former Mississippi state flag is employed here because it contained the Confederate battle symbol in the left canton. Methods The data were collected using a snowball sample of 68 African Americans from Jackson, the state capital of Mississippi. Emotional responses to the Mississippi state flag we…
Melanated Millennials and the Politics of Black Hair
Objective This research employs the phenotypic prototypicality framework to makes a connection between African‐American voters' perceptions of African‐American women candidates' appearances and candidate evaluations in contests with limited information. The primary focus is on the candidates' skin tone and hair texture. Methods The data consist of a convenience sample of 672 African‐American students from a Historically Black University in the De…
Professional Conferences and the Challenges of Studying Black Politics
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Implicit Racial Attitude Measures in Black Samples
One of the shortcomings of the implicit racial attitudes literature is that it relies almost exclusively on white subjects. Arguably, there are two possible reasons for this. First, these measures were created to address issues of social desirability among whites who harbor negative racial attitudes toward blacks. Second, social desirability pressures and antiblack affect were not viewed as significant among black respondents (see Craemer 2008). …
White Support for Racial Referenda in the Deep South
This research examines two referenda in the Deep South, both of which can be categorized as antiblack. Specifically, we analyze a 2001 Mississippi flag referendum (in which the electorate rejected a new flag and retained the old state flag containing a Confederate insignia) and a 2004 referendum in Alabama (in which citizens voted to retain unenforceable constitutional language requiring separate educational facilities for black and white student…
Church Attendance, Social Capital, and Black Voting Participation
Objectives. We test the traditional studies of political participation that suggest enhanced education and income will help reduce the racial gap in voting. Methods. We adopt a Bayesian model to test the impact of education and income on both black and white racial groups. We also link the explanation of black voting participation to social capital. Results. We find that bonding and bridging social capital as well as human capital are all importa…
Accounting for “Racism”
How do people explain their behavior in socially unacceptable political situations? Exploring this question will give us insight into how the public responds to and frames collective decisions regarding controversial topics. We analyze accounts of the outcomes of racially sensitive statewide referenda in two states to understand the public responses to such political predicaments. Distinguishing four broad categories of these accounts—denials, ju…
African‐American Committee Chairs in U.S. State Legislatures
Objective. In this article, we explore whether African‐American state legislators have been able to translate election to office into positions of power, particularly as committee chairs. Methods. We cull data from all state legislative chambers that contained a black legislator during two time periods, 1989 and 1999. In doing so, we compare the observed numbers of African‐American chairs with their expected numbers. We also examine each state's …
Deracialization or Racialization
In 1997, Harvey Johnson made history by becoming the first black to be elected as mayor of Jackson, Mississippi. Four years prior, Johnson failed to make the Democratic primary runoffs. The following research question is addressed: what explains Johnson’s victory in 1997, when compared to his defeat in 1993? In answering this question, I rely heavily on elite‐level interviewing and newspaper accounts. I also examine the black and white vote for J…
RaceandGender Matter
In this article, we explore the degree to which African American state legislators have been able to translate election to office into substantive representation. We are particularly interested in the impact of race and gender on the likelihood of legislative bill submission and passage. While previous studies have focused on inter-group representation, our analysis examines intra-group representation by disaggregating race, gender, and party ide…
Explaining Black Conservatives
tures, the presenters seemed to express resentment and hostility toward members of their own race (other blacks). Had I been walking past the room and overheard the lectures without seeing the speakers, I certainly would have assumed that they were white racists. Instead, they were black; if only descriptively so. This experience helped spark my scholarly interests in black conservatives. These inter
White Racial Attitudes and Support for the Mississippi State Flag
In recent years, there has been a dearth of literature documenting a relationship between oldfashioned racism and the vote for a racially conservative candidate or White opposition to various racial policies. In fact, a number of scholars have argued that a newracism has supplanted the old-fashioned racism. Analysis of a survey of college students in the state of Mississippi reveals that old-fashioned racism provides the strongest explanation of …
Black Legislative Politics in Mississippi
The Voting Rights Act of 1965 dramatically increased the number of Black legislators in the state of Mississippi. Prior to the passage of the Voting Rights Act, African Americans had not served in the Mississippi state legislature since 1896. However, by 1988, 22 African Americans gained seats in the state legislature. In this descriptive analysis, the evolution, nature of the membership, and substantive impact of the Mississippi Legislative Blac…
RaceandGender Matter
In this article, we explore the degree to which African American state legislators have been able to translate election to office into substantive representation. We are particularly interested in the impact of race and gender on the likelihood of legislative bill submission and passage. While previous studies have focused on inter-group representation, our analysis examines intra-group representation by disaggregating race, gender, and party ide…
White Racial Attitudes and Support for the Mississippi State Flag
In recent years, there has been a dearth of literature documenting a relationship between oldfashioned racism and the vote for a racially conservative candidate or White opposition to various racial policies. In fact, a number of scholars have argued that a newracism has supplanted the old-fashioned racism. Analysis of a survey of college students in the state of Mississippi reveals that old-fashioned racism provides the strongest explanation of …
Church Attendance, Social Capital, and Black Voting Participation
Objectives. We test the traditional studies of political participation that suggest enhanced education and income will help reduce the racial gap in voting. Methods. We adopt a Bayesian model to test the impact of education and income on both black and white racial groups. We also link the explanation of black voting participation to social capital. Results. We find that bonding and bridging social capital as well as human capital are all importa…
White Support for Racial Referenda in the Deep South
This research examines two referenda in the Deep South, both of which can be categorized as antiblack. Specifically, we analyze a 2001 Mississippi flag referendum (in which the electorate rejected a new flag and retained the old state flag containing a Confederate insignia) and a 2004 referendum in Alabama (in which citizens voted to retain unenforceable constitutional language requiring separate educational facilities for black and white student…
Melanated Millennials and the Politics of Black Hair
Objective This research employs the phenotypic prototypicality framework to makes a connection between African‐American voters' perceptions of African‐American women candidates' appearances and candidate evaluations in contests with limited information. The primary focus is on the candidates' skin tone and hair texture. Methods The data consist of a convenience sample of 672 African‐American students from a Historically Black University in the De…
Explaining Black Conservatives
tures, the presenters seemed to express resentment and hostility toward members of their own race (other blacks). Had I been walking past the room and overheard the lectures without seeing the speakers, I certainly would have assumed that they were white racists. Instead, they were black; if only descriptively so. This experience helped spark my scholarly interests in black conservatives. These inter
Deracialization or Racialization
In 1997, Harvey Johnson made history by becoming the first black to be elected as mayor of Jackson, Mississippi. Four years prior, Johnson failed to make the Democratic primary runoffs. The following research question is addressed: what explains Johnson’s victory in 1997, when compared to his defeat in 1993? In answering this question, I rely heavily on elite‐level interviewing and newspaper accounts. I also examine the black and white vote for J…
African‐American Committee Chairs in U.S. State Legislatures
Objective. In this article, we explore whether African‐American state legislators have been able to translate election to office into positions of power, particularly as committee chairs. Methods. We cull data from all state legislative chambers that contained a black legislator during two time periods, 1989 and 1999. In doing so, we compare the observed numbers of African‐American chairs with their expected numbers. We also examine each state's …
Racial identity and emotional responses to confederate symbols
Objective This research tests whether psychological predispositions influence African Americans’ emotional responses to Confederate battle symbols. The former Mississippi state flag is employed here because it contained the Confederate battle symbol in the left canton. Methods The data were collected using a snowball sample of 68 African Americans from Jackson, the state capital of Mississippi. Emotional responses to the Mississippi state flag we…
Professional Conferences and the Challenges of Studying Black Politics
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Black Legislative Politics in Mississippi
The Voting Rights Act of 1965 dramatically increased the number of Black legislators in the state of Mississippi. Prior to the passage of the Voting Rights Act, African Americans had not served in the Mississippi state legislature since 1896. However, by 1988, 22 African Americans gained seats in the state legislature. In this descriptive analysis, the evolution, nature of the membership, and substantive impact of the Mississippi Legislative Blac…
Explaining Black Conservatives
tures, the presenters seemed to express resentment and hostility toward members of their own race (other blacks). Had I been walking past the room and overheard the lectures without seeing the speakers, I certainly would have assumed that they were white racists. Instead, they were black; if only descriptively so. This experience helped spark my scholarly interests in black conservatives. These inter
White Racial Attitudes and Support for the Mississippi State Flag
In recent years, there has been a dearth of literature documenting a relationship between oldfashioned racism and the vote for a racially conservative candidate or White opposition to various racial policies. In fact, a number of scholars have argued that a newracism has supplanted the old-fashioned racism. Analysis of a survey of college students in the state of Mississippi reveals that old-fashioned racism provides the strongest explanation of …
Deracialization or Racialization
In 1997, Harvey Johnson made history by becoming the first black to be elected as mayor of Jackson, Mississippi. Four years prior, Johnson failed to make the Democratic primary runoffs. The following research question is addressed: what explains Johnson’s victory in 1997, when compared to his defeat in 1993? In answering this question, I rely heavily on elite‐level interviewing and newspaper accounts. I also examine the black and white vote for J…
RaceandGender Matter
In this article, we explore the degree to which African American state legislators have been able to translate election to office into substantive representation. We are particularly interested in the impact of race and gender on the likelihood of legislative bill submission and passage. While previous studies have focused on inter-group representation, our analysis examines intra-group representation by disaggregating race, gender, and party ide…
Accounting for “Racism”
How do people explain their behavior in socially unacceptable political situations? Exploring this question will give us insight into how the public responds to and frames collective decisions regarding controversial topics. We analyze accounts of the outcomes of racially sensitive statewide referenda in two states to understand the public responses to such political predicaments. Distinguishing four broad categories of these accounts—denials, ju…
African‐American Committee Chairs in U.S. State Legislatures
Objective. In this article, we explore whether African‐American state legislators have been able to translate election to office into positions of power, particularly as committee chairs. Methods. We cull data from all state legislative chambers that contained a black legislator during two time periods, 1989 and 1999. In doing so, we compare the observed numbers of African‐American chairs with their expected numbers. We also examine each state's …
Church Attendance, Social Capital, and Black Voting Participation
Objectives. We test the traditional studies of political participation that suggest enhanced education and income will help reduce the racial gap in voting. Methods. We adopt a Bayesian model to test the impact of education and income on both black and white racial groups. We also link the explanation of black voting participation to social capital. Results. We find that bonding and bridging social capital as well as human capital are all importa…
White Support for Racial Referenda in the Deep South
This research examines two referenda in the Deep South, both of which can be categorized as antiblack. Specifically, we analyze a 2001 Mississippi flag referendum (in which the electorate rejected a new flag and retained the old state flag containing a Confederate insignia) and a 2004 referendum in Alabama (in which citizens voted to retain unenforceable constitutional language requiring separate educational facilities for black and white student…
Implicit Racial Attitude Measures in Black Samples
One of the shortcomings of the implicit racial attitudes literature is that it relies almost exclusively on white subjects. Arguably, there are two possible reasons for this. First, these measures were created to address issues of social desirability among whites who harbor negative racial attitudes toward blacks. Second, social desirability pressures and antiblack affect were not viewed as significant among black respondents (see Craemer 2008). …
Professional Conferences and the Challenges of Studying Black Politics
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Melanated Millennials and the Politics of Black Hair
Objective This research employs the phenotypic prototypicality framework to makes a connection between African‐American voters' perceptions of African‐American women candidates' appearances and candidate evaluations in contests with limited information. The primary focus is on the candidates' skin tone and hair texture. Methods The data consist of a convenience sample of 672 African‐American students from a Historically Black University in the De…
Racial identity and emotional responses to confederate symbols
Objective This research tests whether psychological predispositions influence African Americans’ emotional responses to Confederate battle symbols. The former Mississippi state flag is employed here because it contained the Confederate battle symbol in the left canton. Methods The data were collected using a snowball sample of 68 African Americans from Jackson, the state capital of Mississippi. Emotional responses to the Mississippi state flag we…
Political science (13 obras) · Law (12 obras) · Politics (12 obras) · Sociology (12 obras) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (8 obras) · Gender Studies (6 obras) · Law (6 obras) · Psychology (5 obras) · Social and Intergroup Psychology (5 obras) · Social Psychology (5 obras)