Bożena Rozwadowska
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 4981029 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | Bożena Rozwadowska |
| NOMBRES | Bożena |
| APELLIDO | Rozwadowska |
| FIRMA | ROZWADOWSKA B |
| AFILIACIONES | University of Wrocław |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-9029-6463 |
| VERIFICADO | Sí |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 4 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 0 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 4 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2017 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2024 |
| ÍNDICE H | 0 |
Alternating arguments of Polish psych verbs
This paper focuses on the Experiencer Object (EO)/Experiencer Subject (ES) alternation in Polish. This alternation is viewed here as distinct from the causative/anticausative alternation, because eventive EO verbs do not pattern like change of state (COS) verbs, and their reflexive ES alternants are unergative, not unaccusative. Eventive EO verbs share a common base with their ES counterparts, which corresponds to an unergative vP, with the exper…
Against the Psych Causative Alternation in Polish
The paper examines Object Experiencer (henceforth, OE)/Subject Experiencer (henceforth, SE) verb alternations in Polish in order to check whether Polish exhibits the causative/ anticausative alternation in the psych domain (psych causative alternation of Alexiadou and Iordchioaia 2014, henceforth A&I 2014). The focus is on two types of SE reflexive alternants of OE verbs, i.e., (i) SE forms with an obligatory instrumental case-marked DP derived f…
Derived Nominals
Derived nominals are understood as deverbal nominalizations (i.e., nouns derived from verbs through derivational affixes, such as, e.g., destruction ). Cross‐linguistically, derived nominals constitute a mixed category and show intra‐language and inter‐language variation in the degree of their “nouniness” or “verbness” and in morpho‐syntactic patterns. Among many ambiguities, the least controversial is a clear contrast between result nominals and…
Psychological Verbs and Psychological Adjectives
Psychological verbs and psychological adjectives (often referred to as psych predicates ) describe emotions and mental states. They can also be defined as predicates that take Experiencer as one of their arguments. Cross‐linguistically, psych predicates systematically exhibit peculiar properties. Psychological verbs are subdivided into three major subclasses: Subject Experiencer (SE) verbs, Object Experiencer (OE) verbs, and Dative Experiencer (D…
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Derived Nominals
Derived nominals are understood as deverbal nominalizations (i.e., nouns derived from verbs through derivational affixes, such as, e.g., destruction ). Cross‐linguistically, derived nominals constitute a mixed category and show intra‐language and inter‐language variation in the degree of their “nouniness” or “verbness” and in morpho‐syntactic patterns. Among many ambiguities, the least controversial is a clear contrast between result nominals and…
Psychological Verbs and Psychological Adjectives
Psychological verbs and psychological adjectives (often referred to as psych predicates ) describe emotions and mental states. They can also be defined as predicates that take Experiencer as one of their arguments. Cross‐linguistically, psych predicates systematically exhibit peculiar properties. Psychological verbs are subdivided into three major subclasses: Subject Experiencer (SE) verbs, Object Experiencer (OE) verbs, and Dative Experiencer (D…
Against the Psych Causative Alternation in Polish
The paper examines Object Experiencer (henceforth, OE)/Subject Experiencer (henceforth, SE) verb alternations in Polish in order to check whether Polish exhibits the causative/ anticausative alternation in the psych domain (psych causative alternation of Alexiadou and Iordchioaia 2014, henceforth A&I 2014). The focus is on two types of SE reflexive alternants of OE verbs, i.e., (i) SE forms with an obligatory instrumental case-marked DP derived f…
Alternating arguments of Polish psych verbs
This paper focuses on the Experiencer Object (EO)/Experiencer Subject (ES) alternation in Polish. This alternation is viewed here as distinct from the causative/anticausative alternation, because eventive EO verbs do not pattern like change of state (COS) verbs, and their reflexive ES alternants are unergative, not unaccusative. Eventive EO verbs share a common base with their ES counterparts, which corresponds to an unergative vP, with the exper…
Linguistics (4 obras) · Verb (4 obras) · Causative (3 obras) · Mathematics (3 obras) · Philosophy (3 obras) · Psychology (3 obras) · Syntax (3 obras) · Computer Science (2 obras) · Language, Discourse, Communication Strategies (2 obras) · Literature, Language, and Rhetoric Studies (2 obras)