Jørgen Jensehaugen
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 5860031 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | Jørgen Jensehaugen |
| NOMBRES | Jørgen |
| APELLIDO | Jensehaugen |
| FIRMA | JENSEHAUGEN J |
| AFILIACIONES | PRIO |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-4665-9973 |
| VERIFICADO | Sí |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 23 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 9 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 23 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2008 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2026 |
| ÍNDICE H | 2 |
Etter Assad-regimets fall
Under den syriske borgerkrigen ble over 14 millioner syrere drevet på flukt, noe som gjør dem til verdens største fordrevne befolkning. Midtøsten, som hadde opptil 5,5 millioner syriske flyktninger, har tatt imot det største antallet. Regimets fall i 2024 aktualiserte spørsmålet om repatriering. Likevel forblir tilbakevendingen i begrenset omfang på grunn av vedvarende lavintensitetskonflikt, høy grad av usikkerhet og en økonomi i ruiner. Artikke…
Arab-Israeli Conflict
Norsk Israel–Palestina-politikk i krisetid
Norsk Israel–Palestina-politikk kombinerer en rekke perspektiver som er i spenn. Overordnet er politikken sterkt konsensuspreget når det gjelder hva man ønsker å oppnå, nemlig tostatsløsningen, men det er et økende sprik i oppfatningene av hvordan man best kan oppnå denne. Gaza-krigen har i sterk grad økt gapet mellom mål og tilnærming i norsk politisk debatt. Debatten slår også forskjellig ut avhengig av hvilket felt man ser på. På det såkalte b…
Kartet og terrenget
Jon Hanssen-Bauer argumenterer for at tostatsløsning lever og at kritikken av norsk politikk rammer feil. I denne replikken argumenterer jeg for at vi analyserer den samme virkeligheten, men at vi har veldig forskjellig forståelse av hva denne politiske virkeligheten betyr for situasjonen på bakken i Israel/Palestina. Det finnes ikke noe godt alternativ til tostatsløsningen, men verdenssamfunnet (inkludert Norge) må jobbe med den realiteten som f…
Et godt posisjonert vitne til en varslet tragedie
Utenriksminister Ine Eriksen Søreide (H) styrte norsk Israel-Palestina-politikk etter en klassisk norsk modell i perioden 2017–2021. De to førende prinsippene i norsk politikk var å bevare et godt forhold til USA og å jobbe for tostatsløsningen. Under hennes periode ble disse pilarene motstridende ettersom president Trump (R) utraderte muligheten for en tostatsløsning. Søreide uttrykte tidvis sterk kritikk av amerikansk, så vel som israelsk og pa…
Photographing 1948
Visually speaking, Robert Capa made Israel. Through that act he erased Palestine. The vision Capa developed of Israel is captured in the 303 published photographs that he took over the course of three trips in 1948–50. This article explores the ideological frameworks that shaped Capa’s understanding of Israel/Palestine and probes the concealed context of his images. The analysis shows that Capa covered his topic through an ideologized lens that d…
Palestinian and Kurdish nationalism
This article compares the efforts of the Palestinians and the Kurds – the two largest stateless nations in the Middle East – to obtain recognition. While Kurdish movements are spread across four countries in the region – Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran, with specificities dependent on the historical context and relations with the particular host state – in this article we focus on the Syrian Kurds as a contrast to the Palestinians. This is because …
Terra morata
When Menachem Begin, Israeli prime minister and founder of the Likud party, formulated Israel’s claim to the West Bank, he did not utilise the classic terra nullius settler argument. Instead, his ideological claim was that the land was a terra morata, a territory which had been in a state of ‘extratemporal hiatus’, to borrow a term from Bakhtin. This was illustrated through his insistence on using the Biblical names Judea and Samaria to denote th…
A Palestinian window of opportunity? The PLO, the US and the Iranian hostage crisis
When the US embassy in Teheran was stormed in 1979, and the embassy personnel taken hostage, the PLO saw an opportunity to engage with the United States. Since the early 1970s the PLO had tried to open a political channel with the USA. While several back-channels had been attempted none resulted in direct political talks between the US and the PLO. The US was bound by a secret agreement with Israel, as part of Sinai II, having promised not to neg…
Smokescreen Diplomacy
For the United States and the Palestinians, 1977 was a diplomatic opportunity due to the election of President Jimmy Carter and changes within the Palestine Liberation Organization. While Carter aimed for a comprehensive peace to solve the entire Arab-Israeli conflict, Israel balked. Instead of blocking the process entirely, however, Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin proposed Palestinian "self-rule." While it enabled a separate Egyptian-Israe…
Blueprint for Arab–Israeli Peace? President Carter and the Brookings Report
After the 1973 Arab–Israeli war, the American Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, conducted a series of negotiations between Israel and its Arab adversaries, culminating in three disengagement agreements. As successful as these were, by late 1975 Kissinger’s step-by-step approach had stagnated. New approaches seemed essential to push the peace process forward. Throughout 1975, a Brookings Institution study group wrote a report on how the United …
Finishing the Enterprise’
During 1948–9, Israeli leaders placed considerable importance on the country's efforts to secure membership in the United Nations (UN). Israel's foreign relations at the time, however, were complicated not only by the country's lack of UN membership. Israel was also at war with its Arab neighbours, and the newly created state was thus without clear borders and faced with several unresolved political problems with clear international ramifications…
Coercive Diplomacy
The Arab states suffered humiliating defeats at the hands of Israel during the first Arab–Israeli war. Immediately following the war, Israel made brilliant and shrewd use of diplomacy to achieve its goals at the negotiating table, much as it had previously used armed force. Israel refused to negotiate with a united Arab negotiation team, preferring to isolate the states, picking them off one after the other. The Israeli–Transjordanian talks diffe…
Securing the State
Between early 1947 and May 1948, the Zionist movement went from being a non-state actor representing the minority population within the territory of the British Mandate of Palestine to establishing the State of Israel, which would be recognised almost instantaneously by the world's two Superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union. Such a result, however, was never a given. What processes allowed a non-state actor, the Zionist movement, to …
Book Notes
Book Notes
Shields, Vanessa E & Nicholas D J Baldwin, eds, 2008. Beyond Settlement: Making Peace Last After Civil Conflict. Madison-Teaneck, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press. 413 pp. ISBN 9780838641835
Book Notes
Book Notes
Sisk, Timothy D, 2009.International Mediation in Civil Wars:Bargaining with Bullets. London: Routledge. xiþ253 pp.ISBN 9780415477055
Book Notes
Khalidi, Rashid, 2006. The Iron Cage. Boston, MA
Book Note
Pappe, Ilan, 2006. The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oxford
Book Notes
Et godt posisjonert vitne til en varslet tragedie
Utenriksminister Ine Eriksen Søreide (H) styrte norsk Israel-Palestina-politikk etter en klassisk norsk modell i perioden 2017–2021. De to førende prinsippene i norsk politikk var å bevare et godt forhold til USA og å jobbe for tostatsløsningen. Under hennes periode ble disse pilarene motstridende ettersom president Trump (R) utraderte muligheten for en tostatsløsning. Søreide uttrykte tidvis sterk kritikk av amerikansk, så vel som israelsk og pa…
Smokescreen Diplomacy
For the United States and the Palestinians, 1977 was a diplomatic opportunity due to the election of President Jimmy Carter and changes within the Palestine Liberation Organization. While Carter aimed for a comprehensive peace to solve the entire Arab-Israeli conflict, Israel balked. Instead of blocking the process entirely, however, Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin proposed Palestinian "self-rule." While it enabled a separate Egyptian-Israe…
Securing the State
Between early 1947 and May 1948, the Zionist movement went from being a non-state actor representing the minority population within the territory of the British Mandate of Palestine to establishing the State of Israel, which would be recognised almost instantaneously by the world's two Superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union. Such a result, however, was never a given. What processes allowed a non-state actor, the Zionist movement, to …
Terra morata
When Menachem Begin, Israeli prime minister and founder of the Likud party, formulated Israel’s claim to the West Bank, he did not utilise the classic terra nullius settler argument. Instead, his ideological claim was that the land was a terra morata, a territory which had been in a state of ‘extratemporal hiatus’, to borrow a term from Bakhtin. This was illustrated through his insistence on using the Biblical names Judea and Samaria to denote th…
Finishing the Enterprise’
During 1948–9, Israeli leaders placed considerable importance on the country's efforts to secure membership in the United Nations (UN). Israel's foreign relations at the time, however, were complicated not only by the country's lack of UN membership. Israel was also at war with its Arab neighbours, and the newly created state was thus without clear borders and faced with several unresolved political problems with clear international ramifications…
Book Notes
Shields, Vanessa E & Nicholas D J Baldwin, eds, 2008. Beyond Settlement: Making Peace Last After Civil Conflict. Madison-Teaneck, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press. 413 pp. ISBN 9780838641835
Pappe, Ilan, 2006. The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oxford
Book Notes
Khalidi, Rashid, 2006. The Iron Cage. Boston, MA
Book Note
Book Notes
Shields, Vanessa E & Nicholas D J Baldwin, eds, 2008. Beyond Settlement: Making Peace Last After Civil Conflict. Madison-Teaneck, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press. 413 pp. ISBN 9780838641835
Book Notes
Book Notes
Sisk, Timothy D, 2009.International Mediation in Civil Wars:Bargaining with Bullets. London: Routledge. xiþ253 pp.ISBN 9780415477055
Book Notes
Book Notes
Coercive Diplomacy
The Arab states suffered humiliating defeats at the hands of Israel during the first Arab–Israeli war. Immediately following the war, Israel made brilliant and shrewd use of diplomacy to achieve its goals at the negotiating table, much as it had previously used armed force. Israel refused to negotiate with a united Arab negotiation team, preferring to isolate the states, picking them off one after the other. The Israeli–Transjordanian talks diffe…
Securing the State
Between early 1947 and May 1948, the Zionist movement went from being a non-state actor representing the minority population within the territory of the British Mandate of Palestine to establishing the State of Israel, which would be recognised almost instantaneously by the world's two Superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union. Such a result, however, was never a given. What processes allowed a non-state actor, the Zionist movement, to …
Finishing the Enterprise’
During 1948–9, Israeli leaders placed considerable importance on the country's efforts to secure membership in the United Nations (UN). Israel's foreign relations at the time, however, were complicated not only by the country's lack of UN membership. Israel was also at war with its Arab neighbours, and the newly created state was thus without clear borders and faced with several unresolved political problems with clear international ramifications…
Blueprint for Arab–Israeli Peace? President Carter and the Brookings Report
After the 1973 Arab–Israeli war, the American Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, conducted a series of negotiations between Israel and its Arab adversaries, culminating in three disengagement agreements. As successful as these were, by late 1975 Kissinger’s step-by-step approach had stagnated. New approaches seemed essential to push the peace process forward. Throughout 1975, a Brookings Institution study group wrote a report on how the United …
A Palestinian window of opportunity? The PLO, the US and the Iranian hostage crisis
When the US embassy in Teheran was stormed in 1979, and the embassy personnel taken hostage, the PLO saw an opportunity to engage with the United States. Since the early 1970s the PLO had tried to open a political channel with the USA. While several back-channels had been attempted none resulted in direct political talks between the US and the PLO. The US was bound by a secret agreement with Israel, as part of Sinai II, having promised not to neg…
Smokescreen Diplomacy
For the United States and the Palestinians, 1977 was a diplomatic opportunity due to the election of President Jimmy Carter and changes within the Palestine Liberation Organization. While Carter aimed for a comprehensive peace to solve the entire Arab-Israeli conflict, Israel balked. Instead of blocking the process entirely, however, Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin proposed Palestinian "self-rule." While it enabled a separate Egyptian-Israe…
Terra morata
When Menachem Begin, Israeli prime minister and founder of the Likud party, formulated Israel’s claim to the West Bank, he did not utilise the classic terra nullius settler argument. Instead, his ideological claim was that the land was a terra morata, a territory which had been in a state of ‘extratemporal hiatus’, to borrow a term from Bakhtin. This was illustrated through his insistence on using the Biblical names Judea and Samaria to denote th…
Palestinian and Kurdish nationalism
This article compares the efforts of the Palestinians and the Kurds – the two largest stateless nations in the Middle East – to obtain recognition. While Kurdish movements are spread across four countries in the region – Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran, with specificities dependent on the historical context and relations with the particular host state – in this article we focus on the Syrian Kurds as a contrast to the Palestinians. This is because …
Kartet og terrenget
Jon Hanssen-Bauer argumenterer for at tostatsløsning lever og at kritikken av norsk politikk rammer feil. I denne replikken argumenterer jeg for at vi analyserer den samme virkeligheten, men at vi har veldig forskjellig forståelse av hva denne politiske virkeligheten betyr for situasjonen på bakken i Israel/Palestina. Det finnes ikke noe godt alternativ til tostatsløsningen, men verdenssamfunnet (inkludert Norge) må jobbe med den realiteten som f…
Et godt posisjonert vitne til en varslet tragedie
Utenriksminister Ine Eriksen Søreide (H) styrte norsk Israel-Palestina-politikk etter en klassisk norsk modell i perioden 2017–2021. De to førende prinsippene i norsk politikk var å bevare et godt forhold til USA og å jobbe for tostatsløsningen. Under hennes periode ble disse pilarene motstridende ettersom president Trump (R) utraderte muligheten for en tostatsløsning. Søreide uttrykte tidvis sterk kritikk av amerikansk, så vel som israelsk og pa…
Photographing 1948
Visually speaking, Robert Capa made Israel. Through that act he erased Palestine. The vision Capa developed of Israel is captured in the 303 published photographs that he took over the course of three trips in 1948–50. This article explores the ideological frameworks that shaped Capa’s understanding of Israel/Palestine and probes the concealed context of his images. The analysis shows that Capa covered his topic through an ideologized lens that d…
Norsk Israel–Palestina-politikk i krisetid
Norsk Israel–Palestina-politikk kombinerer en rekke perspektiver som er i spenn. Overordnet er politikken sterkt konsensuspreget når det gjelder hva man ønsker å oppnå, nemlig tostatsløsningen, men det er et økende sprik i oppfatningene av hvordan man best kan oppnå denne. Gaza-krigen har i sterk grad økt gapet mellom mål og tilnærming i norsk politisk debatt. Debatten slår også forskjellig ut avhengig av hvilket felt man ser på. På det såkalte b…
Etter Assad-regimets fall
Under den syriske borgerkrigen ble over 14 millioner syrere drevet på flukt, noe som gjør dem til verdens største fordrevne befolkning. Midtøsten, som hadde opptil 5,5 millioner syriske flyktninger, har tatt imot det største antallet. Regimets fall i 2024 aktualiserte spørsmålet om repatriering. Likevel forblir tilbakevendingen i begrenset omfang på grunn av vedvarende lavintensitetskonflikt, høy grad av usikkerhet og en økonomi i ruiner. Artikke…
Arab-Israeli Conflict
Political science (13 obras) · Law (11 obras) · Law (11 obras) · Sociology (11 obras) · Engineering (10 obras) · History (9 obras) · Politics (9 obras) · Jewish and Middle Eastern Studies (8 obras) · Computer Science (7 obras) · History (7 obras)