M Rita Manzini
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 799400 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | M Rita Manzini |
| NOMBRES | M Rita |
| APELLIDO | Manzini |
| FIRMA | MANZINI M R |
| AFILIACIONES | University of Florence |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-5288-4210 |
| VERIFICADO | Sí |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 24 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 100 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 24 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 1987 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2026 |
| ÍNDICE H | 5 |
The Copy Theory of Control and the Analysis of Finite Control
Under the Markovian property of derivations the history of the derivation is not preserved in the current state, hence chains cannot be read off it. Instead, a Copy relation applies between identical inscriptions at the phase level, before Transfer. Consequently, Copy can take place between two identical theta-marked arguments, each separately introduced by External Merge, yielding control. In this article, we apply the Copy Theory of Control (CT…
A new look at an old question
Balkan languages show control (bound reading) of the embedded subject in finite contexts, unlike Romance and English which require a non-finite. These finite clauses are introduced by the so-called subjunctive particle ( prt ), namely tə in Arbëresh ( të in Albanian standard orthography). Finite control of this kind has long been a problem for generative grammar accounts. Many analyses have followed an Anglocentric approach, assimilating finite c…
Italian Adjective Order Is Not Predicted by Syntactic Hierarchies and Movement
Speakers have robust preferences for the relative order of adjectives when multiple adjectives modify a noun (e.g., big blue box vs. blue big box; see Scontras 2023 for an overview). Here we investigate adjective ordering in Italian, a language with postnominal adjectives that also allows for noun-medial ANA configurations. We present two experiments on Italian AAN, ANA, and NAA orders. We find strong ordering preferences in the ANA template but …
Negative concord by phase
We divorce Negative Concord (NC) among two or more n-items, which is invariably present in Romance languages, from the mutual exclusion or cooccurrence between clausal negation markers (CNMs) and other n-items. The standard minimalist treatment in terms of Agree with respect to a formal feature [n] (for [negation]) is maintained here. However, an EPP-like principle, conceived as a (parametrized) condition regulating the representation of [n] at p…
The clitic string as a Pair Merge sequence
We argue that clitics are structured by Pair Merge, rather than by Set Merge. This contrasts with classical approaches treating the head status of clitics as derived from a fundamentally phrasal syntax. We show that different structures of merger for clitics and phrasal arguments (including full pronouns) can explain well-known empirical differences that otherwise need to be stipulated or derived via extra-syntactic—viz. morphological—mechanisms.…
Romance pronominal clitics as pure heads
Romance clitics are currently accounted for as DP arguments moved to functional head positions or as functional heads (AccVoice, etc.) licensing pro -DPs in argument position. I take the view that clitics are first merged as heads, projecting independently motivated categories on the functional spine of the sentence (φP, ApplP). I argue that they can satisfy theta relations without need for a pro associate. From an empirical point of view, a pure…
Locative Ps as general relators
Based mostly on the Romance languages, we provide evidence for the conclusion that oblique adpositions involved in the encoding of location and direction do not contribute a specific, fixed spatial meaning. On the contrary, they are general relators, relating a complement to an event by establishing an inclusion relation between them. Locatives are specializations of the basic relational inclusion content. State-in, motion-to and motion-from inte…
The Agreement of Structural Obliques Parameter. Pseudopartitives, DOM and partitive articles in Romance
The core proposal of this contribution is that in [P DP] or [K DP] structures, where K, P are oblique prepositions or cases, either P/K or DP can label the resulting constituent. If PP/KP is the resulting label, the constituent does not provide a goal for Agree. If DP is the resulting label, the constituent behaves like any other DP, providing a goal for Agree. This is what we call the agreement parameter for structural obliques. Inherent oblique…
Finite and non-finite complementation, particles and control in Aromanian, compared to other Romance varieties and Albanian
Our Aromanian data come from Diviakë, Libofshë and Fier, three locations close to one another in southern Albania, and from Këllez, also in southern Albania. We argue that the impossibility of embedding sentences directly under V-v (Agree Resistance Theorem) leads to the overall shape of complementation in Romance.Section 2, on finite complementizers, shows that Aromanian supports analyses of complementizers as wh- pronouns independently develope…
Goal and DOM datives
Ergative case, aspect and person splits
Ergativity splits between perfect and imperfective/progressive predicates are observed in languages with a specialized ergative case (Punjabi) and without it (Kurdish). Perfect predicates correspond to a VP projection; external arguments are introduced by means of an oblique case, namely an elementary part–whole predicate saying that the event is ‘included by’, ‘located at’ the argument. A more complex organization is found with imperfective/prog…
Middle-passive voice in Albanian and Greek
In this paper we consider middle-passive voice in Greek and Albanian, which shows a many-to-many mapping between LF and PF. Different morphosyntactic shapes (conditioned by tense or aspect) are compatible with the same set of interpretations, which include the passive, the reflexive, the anticausative, and the impersonal (in Albanian only). Conversely, each of these interpretations can be encoded by any of the available morphosyntactic structures…
Linkers and agreement
In many languages a linker element is inserted between a noun N and a modifier or a complement of N. We focus on Albanian articles and on Iranian ezafes, and we introduce comparison data from Aromanian. In section 2, we provide arguments as to why currently available formal theories of linkers (as copulas, as case assigners, as means for identity avoidance) face problems when applied to Albanian or Kurdish. In section 3 we argue, on the basis of …
N Class and its Interpretation
In this work we will characterize Romance N class morphology as endowed with a semantic content, providing evidence about the active involvement of N class at the syntaxsemantic interface. We will argue that the so-called neuter of Central Italian dialects involves coding of the mass/count distinction by N class morphology. The mass vs. count contrast can be interpreted as the reflex of a more primitive property, which opposes non-individual cont…
Grammatical categories
Reducing 'case' to denotational primitives
The nominal inflection system of Albanian includes specifications of case, definiteness, number and nominal class (gender). Our analysis recognizes three types of properties as theoretically relevant, namely N(ominal class), Q(quantification), D(efiniteness). Q inflections are responsible for the so-called oblique case - effectively a dyadic operator yielding a 'zonal inclusion' (possession) relation between the element to which it attaches and t…
Mesoclisis in the imperative
Les clitiques sujets dans les variétés occitanes et francoprovençales italiennes
Dans cet article, nous examinerons quelques aspects de la syntaxe du sujet dans les dialectes occitans du Piémont occidental, dans les dialectes francoprovençaux du Piémont occidental et du Val d’Aoste, y compris les parlers de Celle di Faeto (francoprovençal) dans les Pouilles et de Guardia Piemontese (occitan) en Calabre : l’existence de clitiques sujets, l’absence de l’accord entre verbe et sujet post-posé, l’inversion du verbe et du clitique …
A Unification of Morphology and Syntax
This book focuses on a classical theme of linguistic theory, that of variation across languages. From an empirical point of view, A Unification of Morphology and Syntax contributes to the discussion on language variation by engaging with new data collected through fieldwork, covering both Romance and Albanian dialects. From a theoretical point of view, the book shows how the variation displayed by the data is best accounted for through the intera…
A minimalist theory of A-movement and control
Locality theory
This paper explores two questions, related to Chomsky's (1981) ECP, under which traces must have a proper government relation either to a head, or to an antecedent. The first question concerns the definition of proper head government. Section 1 argues that at least Rizzi's (1990) and Cinque's (1991) referential indices can be dispensed with once the LF syntax of wh-constructions is properly understood. The second question concerns the definition …
Grosu Alexander, Three studies in locality and Case. London
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Triggers for verb-second
Dans le but d'apporter sa contribution a la question des dependances de seconde position, l'A. examine l'enclise et la proclise en portugais. Elle fournit un schema d'explication du phenomene X2. Elle donne ensuite un schema d'explication des parametres de la cliticisation
Parameters and Learnability in Binding Theory
A minimalist theory of A-movement and control
Reducing 'case' to denotational primitives
The nominal inflection system of Albanian includes specifications of case, definiteness, number and nominal class (gender). Our analysis recognizes three types of properties as theoretically relevant, namely N(ominal class), Q(quantification), D(efiniteness). Q inflections are responsible for the so-called oblique case - effectively a dyadic operator yielding a 'zonal inclusion' (possession) relation between the element to which it attaches and t…
Goal and DOM datives
Middle-passive voice in Albanian and Greek
In this paper we consider middle-passive voice in Greek and Albanian, which shows a many-to-many mapping between LF and PF. Different morphosyntactic shapes (conditioned by tense or aspect) are compatible with the same set of interpretations, which include the passive, the reflexive, the anticausative, and the impersonal (in Albanian only). Conversely, each of these interpretations can be encoded by any of the available morphosyntactic structures…
Locative Ps as general relators
Based mostly on the Romance languages, we provide evidence for the conclusion that oblique adpositions involved in the encoding of location and direction do not contribute a specific, fixed spatial meaning. On the contrary, they are general relators, relating a complement to an event by establishing an inclusion relation between them. Locatives are specializations of the basic relational inclusion content. State-in, motion-to and motion-from inte…
Linkers and agreement
In many languages a linker element is inserted between a noun N and a modifier or a complement of N. We focus on Albanian articles and on Iranian ezafes, and we introduce comparison data from Aromanian. In section 2, we provide arguments as to why currently available formal theories of linkers (as copulas, as case assigners, as means for identity avoidance) face problems when applied to Albanian or Kurdish. In section 3 we argue, on the basis of …
Grammatical categories
Mesoclisis in the imperative
N Class and its Interpretation
In this work we will characterize Romance N class morphology as endowed with a semantic content, providing evidence about the active involvement of N class at the syntaxsemantic interface. We will argue that the so-called neuter of Central Italian dialects involves coding of the mass/count distinction by N class morphology. The mass vs. count contrast can be interpreted as the reflex of a more primitive property, which opposes non-individual cont…
Parameters and Learnability in Binding Theory
Triggers for verb-second
Dans le but d'apporter sa contribution a la question des dependances de seconde position, l'A. examine l'enclise et la proclise en portugais. Elle fournit un schema d'explication du phenomene X2. Elle donne ensuite un schema d'explication des parametres de la cliticisation
Grosu Alexander, Three studies in locality and Case. London
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Locality theory
This paper explores two questions, related to Chomsky's (1981) ECP, under which traces must have a proper government relation either to a head, or to an antecedent. The first question concerns the definition of proper head government. Section 1 argues that at least Rizzi's (1990) and Cinque's (1991) referential indices can be dispensed with once the LF syntax of wh-constructions is properly understood. The second question concerns the definition …
A minimalist theory of A-movement and control
A Unification of Morphology and Syntax
This book focuses on a classical theme of linguistic theory, that of variation across languages. From an empirical point of view, A Unification of Morphology and Syntax contributes to the discussion on language variation by engaging with new data collected through fieldwork, covering both Romance and Albanian dialects. From a theoretical point of view, the book shows how the variation displayed by the data is best accounted for through the intera…
Les clitiques sujets dans les variétés occitanes et francoprovençales italiennes
Dans cet article, nous examinerons quelques aspects de la syntaxe du sujet dans les dialectes occitans du Piémont occidental, dans les dialectes francoprovençaux du Piémont occidental et du Val d’Aoste, y compris les parlers de Celle di Faeto (francoprovençal) dans les Pouilles et de Guardia Piemontese (occitan) en Calabre : l’existence de clitiques sujets, l’absence de l’accord entre verbe et sujet post-posé, l’inversion du verbe et du clitique …
Reducing 'case' to denotational primitives
The nominal inflection system of Albanian includes specifications of case, definiteness, number and nominal class (gender). Our analysis recognizes three types of properties as theoretically relevant, namely N(ominal class), Q(quantification), D(efiniteness). Q inflections are responsible for the so-called oblique case - effectively a dyadic operator yielding a 'zonal inclusion' (possession) relation between the element to which it attaches and t…
Mesoclisis in the imperative
Grammatical categories
Ergative case, aspect and person splits
Ergativity splits between perfect and imperfective/progressive predicates are observed in languages with a specialized ergative case (Punjabi) and without it (Kurdish). Perfect predicates correspond to a VP projection; external arguments are introduced by means of an oblique case, namely an elementary part–whole predicate saying that the event is ‘included by’, ‘located at’ the argument. A more complex organization is found with imperfective/prog…
Middle-passive voice in Albanian and Greek
In this paper we consider middle-passive voice in Greek and Albanian, which shows a many-to-many mapping between LF and PF. Different morphosyntactic shapes (conditioned by tense or aspect) are compatible with the same set of interpretations, which include the passive, the reflexive, the anticausative, and the impersonal (in Albanian only). Conversely, each of these interpretations can be encoded by any of the available morphosyntactic structures…
Linkers and agreement
In many languages a linker element is inserted between a noun N and a modifier or a complement of N. We focus on Albanian articles and on Iranian ezafes, and we introduce comparison data from Aromanian. In section 2, we provide arguments as to why currently available formal theories of linkers (as copulas, as case assigners, as means for identity avoidance) face problems when applied to Albanian or Kurdish. In section 3 we argue, on the basis of …
N Class and its Interpretation
In this work we will characterize Romance N class morphology as endowed with a semantic content, providing evidence about the active involvement of N class at the syntaxsemantic interface. We will argue that the so-called neuter of Central Italian dialects involves coding of the mass/count distinction by N class morphology. The mass vs. count contrast can be interpreted as the reflex of a more primitive property, which opposes non-individual cont…
Goal and DOM datives
Finite and non-finite complementation, particles and control in Aromanian, compared to other Romance varieties and Albanian
Our Aromanian data come from Diviakë, Libofshë and Fier, three locations close to one another in southern Albania, and from Këllez, also in southern Albania. We argue that the impossibility of embedding sentences directly under V-v (Agree Resistance Theorem) leads to the overall shape of complementation in Romance.Section 2, on finite complementizers, shows that Aromanian supports analyses of complementizers as wh- pronouns independently develope…
The Agreement of Structural Obliques Parameter. Pseudopartitives, DOM and partitive articles in Romance
The core proposal of this contribution is that in [P DP] or [K DP] structures, where K, P are oblique prepositions or cases, either P/K or DP can label the resulting constituent. If PP/KP is the resulting label, the constituent does not provide a goal for Agree. If DP is the resulting label, the constituent behaves like any other DP, providing a goal for Agree. This is what we call the agreement parameter for structural obliques. Inherent oblique…
Locative Ps as general relators
Based mostly on the Romance languages, we provide evidence for the conclusion that oblique adpositions involved in the encoding of location and direction do not contribute a specific, fixed spatial meaning. On the contrary, they are general relators, relating a complement to an event by establishing an inclusion relation between them. Locatives are specializations of the basic relational inclusion content. State-in, motion-to and motion-from inte…
The clitic string as a Pair Merge sequence
We argue that clitics are structured by Pair Merge, rather than by Set Merge. This contrasts with classical approaches treating the head status of clitics as derived from a fundamentally phrasal syntax. We show that different structures of merger for clitics and phrasal arguments (including full pronouns) can explain well-known empirical differences that otherwise need to be stipulated or derived via extra-syntactic—viz. morphological—mechanisms.…
Romance pronominal clitics as pure heads
Romance clitics are currently accounted for as DP arguments moved to functional head positions or as functional heads (AccVoice, etc.) licensing pro -DPs in argument position. I take the view that clitics are first merged as heads, projecting independently motivated categories on the functional spine of the sentence (φP, ApplP). I argue that they can satisfy theta relations without need for a pro associate. From an empirical point of view, a pure…
Negative concord by phase
We divorce Negative Concord (NC) among two or more n-items, which is invariably present in Romance languages, from the mutual exclusion or cooccurrence between clausal negation markers (CNMs) and other n-items. The standard minimalist treatment in terms of Agree with respect to a formal feature [n] (for [negation]) is maintained here. However, an EPP-like principle, conceived as a (parametrized) condition regulating the representation of [n] at p…
A new look at an old question
Balkan languages show control (bound reading) of the embedded subject in finite contexts, unlike Romance and English which require a non-finite. These finite clauses are introduced by the so-called subjunctive particle ( prt ), namely tə in Arbëresh ( të in Albanian standard orthography). Finite control of this kind has long been a problem for generative grammar accounts. Many analyses have followed an Anglocentric approach, assimilating finite c…
Italian Adjective Order Is Not Predicted by Syntactic Hierarchies and Movement
Speakers have robust preferences for the relative order of adjectives when multiple adjectives modify a noun (e.g., big blue box vs. blue big box; see Scontras 2023 for an overview). Here we investigate adjective ordering in Italian, a language with postnominal adjectives that also allows for noun-medial ANA configurations. We present two experiments on Italian AAN, ANA, and NAA orders. We find strong ordering preferences in the ANA template but …
The Copy Theory of Control and the Analysis of Finite Control
Under the Markovian property of derivations the history of the derivation is not preserved in the current state, hence chains cannot be read off it. Instead, a Copy relation applies between identical inscriptions at the phase level, before Transfer. Consequently, Copy can take place between two identical theta-marked arguments, each separately introduced by External Merge, yielding control. In this article, we apply the Copy Theory of Control (CT…
Philosophy (22 obras) · Linguistics (21 obras) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (18 obras) · Computer Science (16 obras) · Mathematics (10 obras) · Linguistic Variation and Morphology (7 obras) · Syntax (7 obras) · Philosophy (6 obras) · Phonetics and Phonology Research (6 obras) · Historical Linguistics and Language Studies (5 obras)