The importance of Old French chronicles as historical sources of the Fourth Crusade and the early Latin Empire of Constantinople

Michael Angold has shown that the collapse of Greek resistance to the crusading army has not yet been fully explained by historians (Journal of Medieval History, 25, 3 (1999) 257–78). The chronicles of Villehardouin and Clari are an additional, important source, written by eyewitnesses. They provide first-hand evidence of the morale of the army, its sense of mission and the problems which it faced. Henri de Valenciennes provides a similar, first-hand account of the start of the reign of Henry of Hainaut as Latin Emperor. Close study of these texts helps to explain the victory of the westerners. They are even more important as historical sources than as examples of early French prose. Keywords: Fourth crusadeChroniclesVillehardouinByzantine EmpireConstantinopleOld French Notes 1 M. Angold, 'The road to 1204: the Byzantine background to the Fourth Crusade', Journal of Medieval History, 25, 3 (1999), 257–78. D.E. Queller and T.F. Madden, The Fourth Crusade: the conquest of Constantinople (2nd edn, Philadelphia, 1999). W. Treadgold, A history of the Byzantine state and society (Stanford, 1997). J.-C. Cheynet, Pouvoir et contestation à Byzance (963–1210) (Paris, 1990). P. Magdalino, The empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 1143–1180 (Cambridge, 1993). C.M. Brand, Byzantium confronts the West (1180–1204) (Cambridge, Mass., 1968). 2 Angold, 'Road to 1204', 258–9. 3 Ibid., 261–2. 4 Ibid., 265. 5 R.J. Lilie, 'Die Schlacht von Myriokephalon (1176): Auswirkungen auf das byzantinische Reich im ausgehenden 12 Jahrhundert', Revue des études byzantines, 35 (1977), 257–75. 6 Angold, 'Road to 1204', 267, summarising Lilie, 'Das Kaisers Macht und Ohnmacht. Zum Zerfall der Zentralgewalt in Byzanz vor dem vierten Kreuzzug', in: VARIA, I [=POIKILA BYZANTINA 4] (Bonn, 1984). 9–120. 7 D.M. Nicol, Byzantium and Venice: a study in diplomatic and cultural relations (Cambridge, 1988), and Byzantium, Venice and the Fourth Crusade (Athens, 1990). 8 C.A. Maltezou, 'Venetian habitores, burgenses and merchants in Constantinople and its Hinterland (twelfth–thirteenth centuries)', in: Constantinople and its Hinterland, ed. C. Mango and G. Dagros (Aldershot, 1992), 233–41. 9 Angold, 'Road to 1204', 278. 10 Geoffroy de Villehardouin, La conquête de Constantinople, ed. E. Faral, 2 vols (Paris, 1961) [henceforward Faral]; second edition. See also the edition by J. Dufournet (Paris, 1969). Robert de Clari, La conquête de Constantinople, ed. P. Lauer (Classiques françaises du moyen âge, Paris, 1924), 40 [henceforward Clari]. 11 J. Dufournet, Les écrivains de la iv croisade: Villehardouoin et Clari (Paris, 1973). 'Robert de Clari est essentiellement le porte-parole des petits chevaliers déçus que l'on a détournés vers Constantinople sans qu'ils en aient retiré un profit notable...' (380). 12 Henri de Valenciennes, Histoire de l'Empereur Henri de Constantinople, publiée par Jean Longnon (Paris, 1948), 9 [henceforward Longnon]. 13 The regent was Mary of Hungary, the widow of Boniface, whom he had married after the death of her husband Isaac II. She was trying to preserve the inheritance of their son, Demetrios, whereas the conspirators wished to summon one of the brothers of Boniface from Italy to rule in his place. 14 For details of the manuscripts and earlier editions see Faral I, xxxvii-xliv. See notes 10 and 12 for details of the modern editions of Villehardouin and Clari. 15 Geoffroy de Villehardouin, La Conqueste de Constantinople, ed. J.E. White, Jr. (New York, 1968). 16 Joinville and Villehardouin; Chronicles of the Crusades, translated by Margaret R.B. Shaw (London, 1963). Villehardouin and De Joinville: Memoirs of the Crusades, translated by Sir Frank Marzials (New York, 1908, with many reprints). 17 Robert of Clari, The Conquest of Constantinople translated from the Old French of Robert of Clari, translated by Edgar H. McNeal (New York, 1936; reprinted New York, 1966). 18 Natalis de Wailly, Histoire de la conquête de Constantinople par Geoffroi de Villehardouin avec la continuation de Henri de Valenciennes (Paris, 1870). 19 E. Faral, 'Geoffrey de Villehardouin; la question de sa sincérité' Revue historique, 176, 530–82. A. Pauphilet, 'Robert de Clari et Villehardouin' in Mélanges de linguistique et de littérature offerts à Monsieur Alfred Jeanroy (Paris, 1928). A. Pauphilet, 'Sur Robert de Clari', Romania, 57 (1931), 281–311. A. Pauphilet, Le Legs du moyen âge (Melun, 1950), 219–38. 20 J. Longnon, Recherches sur la vie de Geoffroy de Villehardouin (Paris, 1939). J. Longnon, Les Compagnons de Villehardouin; recherches sur les croisés de la quatrième croisade (Geneva, 1978). 21 J. Frappier, 'Les Discours dans la chronique de Villehardouin' Etudes romanes dédiées à Mario Roques (Paris, 1946), 39–55. J. Frappier, 'Le Style de Villehardouin dans les discours de sa chronique' Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 30 (1946), 57–70. J.M.A. Beer, Villehardouin, Epic Historian (Geneva; 1968). J.M.A. Beer, 'Villehardouin and the oral narrative', Studies in Philology, 67 (1970), 267–77. 22 J. Dufournet, Les écrivains de la ive croisade; Villehardouin et Clari (Paris, 1973). 23 G. Jaquin, Le Style historique dans les récits français et latins de la quatrième croisade (Lille and Paris, 1986). 24 Nicetas Choniates, O City of Byzantium, translated by H.G. Magoulias (Detroit, 1982). 'Up to now, the course of our history has been smooth and easily traversed, but from this point on I do not know how to continue. What judgement is reasonable for him who must relate in detail the common calamities which this queen of cities endured during the reign of terrestrial angels? I would that I might worthily and fully recount the most oppressive and grievous of all evils. But, since this is impossible, I shall abbreviate the narration in the hope that it will be of greater profit to posterity because moderation has been exercised in reporting the sufferings, thereby mitigating excessive grief' (294). 25 For Baldwin, see De Oorkonden de graven van Vlaanderen (1191–aanvang 1206), edited W. Prevenier, 2, 564–77, 271. For the Count of St Pol, see Rudolf Pokorny, 'Zwei unedierte Briefe aus der Frühzeit des lateinischen Kaiserreichs von Konstantinopel', Byzantion, 55 (1985), 203–9. 26 E.H. McNeal, The Conquest of Constantinople translated from the Old French of Robert de Clari (New York, 1966), 6–7. 27 For Villehardouin, see Faral, xviii. For Valenciennes, see Longnon, 11–12. 28 This text has been translated into English: J. Gordon, 'The Novgorod account of the Fourth Crusade', Byzantion, 43 (1973), 297–311. A.J. Andrea disagrees with Gordon that the author may have witnessed some of the crusade: see the former's Essay on primary sources in Queller and Madden, Fourth Crusade, 311. 'What I think we can say with some assurance is that the Novgorod chronicle was drawing from the memory of someone who was in Constantinople in April of 1204 and who had equal sympathy for "the God-preserved city of Constantine" and the Roman pope and German king.' There is also a French edition and translation of the text: S. Patri, 'La relation russe de la quatrième croisade', Byzantion, 58 (1988), 461–501. 29 The capture of Constantinople. The Hystoria Constantinopolitana of Gunther of Pairis, edited and translated by A.J. Andrea (Philadelphia, 1997). 30 A.J. Andrea and P.I Rachlin, 'Holy war, holy relics, holy theft: the Anonymous of Soissons's De terra Iherosolimitana: an analysis, edition and translation', Historical Reflections/Reflexions historiques, 18, 1 (1992), 147–75. 31 A.J. Andrea, 'The Anonymous Chronicler of Halberstadt's account of the Fourth Crusade: popular religiosity in the early thirteenth century', Historical Reflections/Reflexions historiques, 22, 2 (1996), 447–77. 32 See A.J. Andrea, 'Essay on Primary Sources', in: Queller and Madden, Fourth Crusade, 313–14, where he points out that the author shares the viewpoint of Clari in criticising the greed of the nobility who effectively betrayed the common people. For an edition and translation, see A.J. Andrea, 'The Devastatio Constantinopolitana: A special perspective on the Fourth Crusade: an analysis, new edition and translation', Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques, 19, 1 (1993), 107–49. 33 As this article is concerned with the Old French sources, I will not be discussing the Latin accounts nor that of Nicetas Choniates. 34 P. Archambault, Seven French chroniclers: witnesses to history (Syracuse, 1974), 31. 'His universe, in any case, is henceforth irrevocably divided between "those who sailed from Venice" and "those who sailed from other ports", and any action after the departure from Venice is motivated either by a treacherous desire to disband the army or by a patriotic attempt to keep it together. There can be no other way of seeing reality. Those who wish to disband the army are intended to resemble the fallen angels of a Manichaean heaven, even if their vision happens to have a greater number of adherents.' 35 All quotations are from the Faral edition cited in Footnotenote 10. References are to Faral's paragraphs. 36 Queller and Madden, Fourth Crusade, 18. 'If, as the fate of the crusade unfolds, he appears to be pleading for the defense, it is not because he is concealing some secret plot, but because he himself played such a prominent role in making the treaty from which all subsequent difficulties followed.' 37 See for example Faral, paragraphs 26–29, which give a very laudatory account of the way in which the Venetians accepted the crusade and include the following description of the Doge with its perpetual epithets: '...li bons dux de Venise, qui mult ere sages et proz, monta el leteri et parla au pueple...' 38 Villehardouin simply omits any reference to the Ventians at all, so that those not well-informed might conclude that the Venetians were included amongst the pilgrims. 39 This is a constant refrain of Villehardouin. See, for example, Faral, 63. 'Mult fu contraliez de ceus qui volsissent que l'ost se departist...' 40 G. Jaquin, Le style historique dans les récits français et latins de la quatrième croisade (Lille and Paris, 1986). 41 A good example is paragraph 41 quoted earlier. 42 'Et distrent que il iroient Renier de Trit secore, qui ere dedenz l'Estanemac assis et i avoit esté bien .xiii. mois enserrez dedenz' (435). See also 437 where Renier de Trit mistakes the relief party for Greeks coming to besiege him. 43 Queller and Madden, Fourth Crusade, 174. 44 See also 272 after Alexius III has blinded his son-in-law and rival, Alexius V. 'Mult en fu grant parole entr'aus; et bien distrent que il n'avoient droit en terre tenir, que si desloialemnt traı̈soit li uns l'autre.' 45 He comments on the poor treatment of the Greeks in 303. '...ainz comença chascuns a faire mal en sa terre, li uns plus et li autre mains, et li Grieu les comencierent a haı̈r et a porter malvais cuer.' He has already commented in 253 on the greed of the crusaders after the capture of Constantinople (which is amply confirmed by Nicetas Choniates and Gunther of Pairis amongst others). 'Li un aporta bien et li autres mauvaisement: que covoitise, qui est racine de toz mals, ne laissa; ainz comencierent d'enqui ennavant li covotous a retenir des choses, et Nostre Sire les comença mains a amer.' 46 'et lor prioient o plaintes et o plors que il aüssent merci et pitié de la crestienté et de lor seignors liges, qui estoient perdu en la bataille, et que il demorassent por Dieu. N'en vorrent oı̈r nulle parole, ainz s'en partirent del port, si collerent lor voilles et s'en alerent si com Diex volt...' (377). 47 'Atel proiere com cil avoient fait de Costantinoble, a lermes et a plors, lor fist Joffrois li mareschaus, et cil qui avec lui estoient...Et cil des.v. nés qui respondre devoient al maitin a Joffroi le mareschal et al duc de Venise, si tost com il virent le jor, si collerent lor voiles et s'en alerent seinz parler a nullui. Mult en reçurent grant blasme en celui paı̈s ou il alerent et in celui dont il partirent'...(378–9). 48 'Ha Diex! quel domage dut estre per cele discorde: que, se Diex n'i eüst mis conseil, destruite fust la crestı̈entez' (289). 49 See Footnotenote 21 for details of the two studies by Jeanette Beer of Villehardouin's style. 50 Archambault, Seven French chroniclers, 37–8. 51 Ibid., pp. 32–34. 52 Ibid., p. 27. 53 One example among many is paragraph LXV where Clari digresses to explain at some length the customs of the Cumans. 54 All references are to the Lauer edition and are by paragraph and line number. 55 'Si envoierent [li haut homme] saisir tous les melleurs ostex et les plus rikes de la vile, si qu'il les eurent tous saisis anchois que li povre chevalier ne le menue gent de l'ost s'apercheussent' (LXXX, 18–22). 56 See Footnotenote 19. 57 Clari devotes fifteen paragraphs to the dynastic struggles of Constantinople, XVIII–XXXII. 58 Compare the two descriptions of the Doge's behaviour at Zara. According to Villehardouin he said, 'Seignor, ensi voelent cil de la dedenz rendre la cité, sals lor cors, a ma marci: ne je n'enprendroie plait, cestui ne autre, se par vos conseil non' (82). Clari, on the other hand, describes him in a far more vengeful mood. 'Seigneur, sachiés que je ne le lairoie a nul fuer que je ne m'en venjasse d'aus, ne pour l'apostoile!' (XIV, 24–26). 59 This is one of the rare places in the narrative where Clari mentions himself as he tried to restrain his brother from his act of great bravery and rashness. 'Si avoit illuec un chevalier, un sien frere, Robers de Clari avoit a non, qui le desfendi et qui dist qu'il n'i enterroit mie; et li clers dist que si feroit, si se met ens a piés et a mains; et quant ses freres vit chou, si le prent par le pié, si commenche a sakier a lui, et tant que maugré sen frere, vausist ou ne dengnast, que li clers i entra' (LXXVI, 2–8). 60 Choniates, O City of Byzantium, 313. 'Two men on one of the scaling ladders nearest the Petria Gate...were the first from among their comrades to leap down onto the tower facing them. When they drove off in alarm the Roman auxiliaries on watch, they waved their hands from above as a sign of joy and courage to embolden their countrymen. While they were jumping onto the tower, a knight by the name of Peter entered through the gate situated there...The noblemen about the emperor and the rest of the troops were unable to gaze upon the front of the helm of a single knight so terrible in form and spectacular in size and took to their customary flight as the efficacious medicine of salvation.' 61 Longnon, p. 9. 62 All references are to the Longnon edition by paragraph. 'Quant li empereres vit que Lyenars ne pooit eschaper sans mort u sans prison, il monta sor.i. sien cheval Moriel et le hurta des esperons, et s'adrecha vers.i. Blas. Ensi que vint a l'aprochier il le fiert par mi le costé de la lance, si que li fiers en parut d'autre part; et chil qui le cop ne pot soustenir, chiet a tierre comme chil ki ne pot mais. Moriaus fu navrés en.ij. lius' (509). As a result of this daring counter-attack, Lyenars was rescued but given a ferocious rebuke by Henry who was himself severely criticised by his own knights for his rashness. 63 In his opening sentence he stresses his truthfulness. 'Henris de Valenciennes dist que, puis que li hom s'entremet de biel dire et de traitier, et il en est graciiés de tos discrés et autorisiés, bien se doit a çou travellier que il ensiuce le non de sa grace par traitement de plaine verite (501).' 64 Longnon, 12. 65 White, La Conqueste, 21. 'Villehardouin ne conçut pas La Conqueste de Constantinople comme une œuvre littéraire, mais nous, nous la lisons comme une œuvre plus littéraire qu'historique

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