Reprise fragments in English and Hungarian
Further support for an in-situ Q-equivalence approach to clausal ellipsis
Datos Bibliográficos
| ID | 2998620 |
|---|---|
| Autores | James E Griffiths (0000-0002-9570-1568, University of Tübingen), James Griffiths (0000-0002-6769-8998), Güliz Güneş (0000-0002-2696-9261, University of Tübingen), Anikó Lipták (0000-0003-0196-4613, University of Tübingen) |
| Año | 2023 |
| Volumen | 99 |
| Número | 1 |
| Páginas | 154-191 |
| Fecha de publicación | 2023-03-01 |
| Peer Reviewed | Sí |
| Open Access | Sí |
| Tipo | ARTICLE |
| Revista | Language (JOURNAL) |
| Identificadores de la revista | ISSN: 0097-8507 • E-ISSN: 1535-0665 |
| Editorial | Project MUSE (PUBLISHER • US) |
| DOI | 10.1353/lan.2023.0000 |
| OpenAlex | W4327862705 |
| Idioma | EN |
| Citas recibidas | 6 |
| Referencias citadas | 32 |
We present a comparative analysis of English and Hungarian reprise fragments. We argue that reprise fragments should be afforded the same theoretical treatment as standard (i.e. nonreprise) fragments. Assuming that standard fragmentary answers and questions are remnants of an ellipsis operation that applies to a clause, this entails that reprise fragments are also remnants of clausal ellipsis. We show that the prevailing approach to standard fragments, which assumes that the remnant of ellipsis always undergoes movement (Merchant 2001, 2004), cannot be plausibly extended to explain the crosslinguistic reprise-fragment data. We argue that a theory is required that restricts antecedents to interrogatives and that allows-but crucially does not require-movement of the remnant. Under this account, the differences observed between English and Hungarian reprise and standard fragments follow from independent syntactic differences in how standard and reprise questions are formed in these languages. We therefore provide new evidence to support theories of ellipsis identity that state that only questions make for suitable antecedents for clausal ellipsis (so-called Q-equivalence approaches) and to support sententialist analyses of clausal ellipsis that permit ellipsis to occur around designated constituents (so-called in-situ approaches
Ellipsis (linguistics · Equivalence (formal languages · Interrogative word · Linguistics · Reprise · Computer Science · History · Language, Discourse, Communication Strategies · Natural Language Processing Techniques · Philosophy · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
The Interactive Stance
Fragments and ellipsis
Lectures on Government and Binding
On the Form and Interpretation of Echo Wh-Questions
P-stranding under sluicing and repair by ellipsis
Question/Answer Congruence and the Semantics of wh-phrases
An Embarrassment of Riches? Cutting Up the Elliptical Pie
Sluicing and the Lexicon
The Syntax Of Whether/Q… Or Questions
Information structure in discourse
Parasitic Gaps licensed by elided syntactic structure
Condition C reconstruction, clausal ellipsis and island repair
Sluicing, Idioms, and Island Repair
Particles and Deletion
Stranded to and phonological phrasing in English
Focus Below the Word Level
Intervention Effects Follow from Focus Interpretation
A theory of focus interpretation
Ellipsis, Economy, and the (Non)uniformity of Traces
Syntactic Identity in Sluicing
Multiple Sluicing, Scope, and Superiority
Ellipsis and EPP Repair
Constraining Head-Stranding Ellipsis
Head-Based Syntactic Identity in Sluicing
Voice and Ellipsis
Successive-Cyclic Movement and Island Repair
The syntax-discourse divide
The crosslinguistic syntax of sluicing
Contrast and Island Sensitivity in Clausal Ellipsis
Syntactic identity, Parallelism and accommodated antecedents
The semantics of sluicing
| Obras citantes distintas | 6 |
|---|---|
| Citas por año | 3 |
| Intervalo de citas | 2024 - 2026 (3) |
| Velocidad de citación | current |
| Altamente citado | No |
| Tipos de cita | Neutras: 6 |