The contours of environmental justice in the Caribbean

Despite its history of colonialism, slavery, and exploitation that has led to a deterioration of its environmental and social fabrics, the Caribbean has not been at the centre of mainstream environmental justice discourse. However, there are deep lessons to be learnt from centring the region. The Caribbean region, though holding historical and contemporary significance, has not been at the centre of mainstream environmental justice discourse, whether in Geography or related social science disciplines. While the basis for an investigation of environmental justice issues has largely been the disproportionate location of pollution and other environmental hazards in minority neighbourhoods and/or workplaces, most of the research has historically examined how Black and other minority groups, particularly in the United States (US), cope with these environmental stressors (Bullard, 1990, 1983; Holifield, 2001; Pellow & Brulle, 2005). In the late 1980s to 1990s, environmental justice groups in the US largely self-identified, and the literature on environmental justice was limited. However, researchers began investigating environmental justice from an equality perspective, in that all persons, irrespective of location, should be treated the same. This sought to determine whether disproportionately affected neighbourhoods have the ability to tolerate specific environmental problems (Taylor, 2002). This research trajectory, alongside a gradual spread of the concept of environmental justice across non-US countries, opened up the possibility of environmental justice being studied in different geographic contexts, wherein the environmental injustices faced by marginalised groups could be examined and exposed. Despite the Caribbean's significant contributions to the development of the Western Hemisphere and its deep history of resisting imperial domination and control, the evolution of the environmental justice discourse in the region has not been well documented. A review of the literature reveals an emphasis on identifying environmental injustices as opposed to describing the emergent environmental justice dimensions, and considerations at play or intersecting in the region. Most studies use a climate justice frame to underscore the region's marginal contribution to historical greenhouse gas emissions and, therefore, to anthropogenic climate change, the disproportionate impacts it faces, and the outsized responsibility that developed countries have in repairing the associated loss and damage (e.g., Baptiste, 2021; Baptiste & Rhiney, 2016; Douglass & Cooper, 2020; Robinson & Carlson, 2021; Sealey-Huggins, 2017). Within this frame, scholars also recognise that not all populations and subpopulations in the region are subject to the same levels of injustice, which is largely understood in the context of post-hurricane relief and recovery (e.g., Baptiste & Devonish, 2019; Hayward & Joseph, 2018; Moulton & Machado, 2019; Pulido, 2016; Robinson & Carlson, 2021; Sheller, 2018). While many of these previous enquiries identify specific instances of environmental injustice, they do not put forward a broader theory of environmental justice for the region. The limited scope of the scholarship illustrates the need to begin defining the contours of environmental justice in the Caribbean – the elements that shape environmental justice and environmental injustice in the region – in a clear and meaningful way. This is the aim of our special issue. Our motivation was further based on Hochstetler and Keck's (2007) critique of environmental injustice frames in the broader Latin American and Caribbean region as being a deliberate 'American import' (cited in Baptiste, 2021, p. 150). As Caribbean scholars, we also observed that the factors that undergird environmental justice issues in the region differ and vary from those that shape these issues in the US mainland where environmental justice scholarship emerged and on which very stark experiences of race and systemic racism are premised (Baptiste, 2021). Similar to the existence of clear theoretical underpinnings of the environmental movement in the US around concepts such as distributive, procedural, retributive, and recognition justice, we recognise that there is a need to espouse these for the Caribbean. The special issue offers a diversity of country, case, and sector perspectives on environmental justice in the Caribbean. Baptiste et al. (2023) and Birthwright (2022) focus on the Jamaican Goat Islands logistics hub, and the specialty coffee industry in Jamaica, respectively. García Ch. (2022) studies the Colombian islands' first marine protected area (MPA). Misiedjan (2023) draws attention to climate action in the Dutch Caribbean. Moore and Koski-Karell (2023) address agricultural intensification in Haiti. Kirby-Straker et al. (2023) and Perry (2022) use examples from Antigua and Barbuda, Dominica, Grenada, and St Vincent and the Grenadines, with Kirby-Straker et al. (2023) focusing on knowledge repatriation and Perry (2022) discussing debt and disasters. Pimentel Rivera (2023) and Robinson et al. (2022) centre Puerto Rico, with the former studying passenger ferry governance and the latter Hurricane Maria's impact. Thomas and Benjamin (2022) spotlight The Bahamas in their analysis of the impacts of Hurricane Dorian. From these articles, we identify three major themes that we argue are the emerging elements of an environmental justice theory for the Caribbean—(1) coloniality, (2) sovereignty, and (3) resistance. We provide more context for these below. In the Caribbean, which encompasses the islands and mainland countries such as Belize, Guyana, and Suriname, there is an almost uniform experience of colonisation and capital exploitation that was based on chattel slavery and plantation economies (Beckford, 1972; Robinson et al., 2023; Williams, 2001). The lengthy periods of conquest by various European powers, primarily the British, French, Dutch, and Spanish, have served to fracture the region (Besson, 2002; Robinson et al., 2023), displacing Indigenous peoples, creating economies dependent on intense extractivism (e.g., mining, tourism), alongside significant variability in national-level governance structures, and ethnic and linguistic fragmentation (see Bonilla, 2015; Robinson et al., 2023). The resulting 'long-standing patterns of power that [have] emerged as a result of colonialism ... [help] define culture, labor, intersubjective relations, and knowledge production well beyond the strict limits of colonial administrations' (Maldonado-Torres, 2007, p. 243). This 'coloniality' also extends to the interconnection of the practices and legacies of colonialism in social orders and knowledge forms, which continue to shape Caribbean geographies and take the form of social and racial discrimination that has been incorporated into the modern-day social order (following Quijano, 2000). The theme of coloniality provides the frame for understanding how exploitation became the norm in Caribbean societies and continues to perpetuate itself today. It allows for a more nuanced understanding of the marginalised, and how systems of power lead to injustices among specific subsects of the society. There are several subthemes, which we align with Quijano (2000) and the work of other Latin American intellectuals, and which we explore below. The first subtheme – labour and intersubjective relations – is tied to coloniality of power, which is one category of coloniality (following Quijano, 2000). It 'constitutes the modern/colonial world [being] based upon "racial" social classification of the world population, which has permitted the control and exploitation of the labor force, wealth, and territories throughout the planet for the sake of the emergence and consolidation of capitalism' (cited in Restrepo, 2018, p. 1). Building on this, we postulate that labour hierarchies set up via colonial systems created an environment of exploitation and subjugation where different groups and their livelihoods were valued differently. Some were seen as expendable, which allowed the system of chattel slavery to prosper. This same system, though formally abolished, bled over into modern-day management structures and systems in the Caribbean, resulting in injustice. Birthwright (2022) and Thomas and Benjamin (2022) highlight this subtheme in their articles in the collection. Birthwright's (2022) examination of Jamaica's specialty coffee industry shows the ways in which the industry continues to reflect the racial and social stratifications of its colonial antecedents. The coffee plantations located in the Blue Mountains, which are considered to be a valuable location for this type of production, are worked by lower-class folk but viewed by the mostly absentee middle- to upper-class owners as 'areas where profit can be mined and privileges reinforced' (Birthwright, 2022, p. 1). The power structures created result in exploitation, wherein the livelihoods of the coffee farmers are not valued. Thomas and Benjamin (2022) describe a similar social stratification and exertion of control in their analysis of the condition and treatment of Haitian migrants in The Bahamas after the passage of Hurricane Dorian in 2019. The authors argue that other scholars' focus on the historical experiences of Caribbean countries' struggle against European oppression 'has obscured the significant levels of oppression being imposed within Caribbean countries' (emphasis added) (Thomas & Benjamin, 2022, p. 3). Many of the Haitians there are undocumented, working menial jobs, and living in deplorable conditions. This hierarchy is reinforced by the Bahamian Government through legislation. The second subtheme is that of knowledge generation, where coloniality has resulted in the region being stripped of knowledge and treated as a space where knowledge is extracted rather than produced. For a long time, materials about the Caribbean published in the 'western academic literature' were largely produced by 'parachute' researchers (also see Robinson, 2020). It has often been very difficult for Caribbean-based scholars to get access to non-regional-based journals for their work. While this has been changing slowly with Caribbean-based scholars being presented with more just opportunities to bring their work to the forefront, there are still many barriers to recognising the knowledge they produce, and often partnerships with scholars in the 'Global North' are still needed (also see Robinson, 2020). In our special issue, Kirby-Straker et al. (2023) bring the coloniality of knowledge and knowledge production into focus by calling for epistemic justice to recognise local intellectual contributions and to increase the value placed on these contributions. The authors propose knowledge-repatriation efforts to counter extant environmental and epistemological exploitative practices. Within this, they highlight the effectiveness of co-designed research and the role of regional universities such as the University of the West Indies, and call for a rethinking of the entities that are considered legitimate research partners. Debt and structural adjustment reforms constitute the third subtheme. It is perhaps the most substantive illustration of the role of coloniality in creating environmental injustices across the Caribbean. Debt serves as a form of subjugation at the national level, forcing governments into precarious relationships with former colonisers and imperial States. Furthermore, loan terms are leaving countries in more vulnerable positions (see Kalaidjian & Robinson, 2022). Evidence of this was highlighted in several articles in the collection. Perry (2022, p. 9), in arguing that blue bonds and debt-for-nature swaps are the new plantation ecology, pinpoints 'the racial politics of domination, its accumulative regime and uneven spatial integrations into the world economy' alongside environmental objectives in the region being defined in consultation with third-party political entities and creditors. Moore and Koski-Karell (2023, p. 8) note that Haiti was pressured by donors and international financial institutions 'to reform its economy in keeping with policies promoting trade liberalization, privatization of public enterprises, and balanced budgets'. Organisations such as Chemonics, a consulting firm, and the United States Agency for International Development also played a role in forcing policy changes that led to the fall of rice prices in Haiti, which induced economic and environmental disasters there that further benefited US rice enterprises. For Pimentel Rivera (2023), debt has been influenced by coloniality, and has led to immobility in terms of transportation both to and from Vieques in Puerto Rico, further marginalising that sub-population. A fourth subtheme under coloniality is the subjugation and reduction of certain Caribbean nationals through violence. This is particularly reminiscent of the physical, mental, and emotional exploitation of Black bodies during slavery (Williams et al., 2020). This continues to occur because, as Pellow (2018) argues, marginalised communities are often seen as expendable. Pimentel Rivera (2023), in the special issue, references land contamination in Vieques that was the result of ongoing US military action and where local elites consented to violent resource extraction. Environmental and demographic changes resulted in the island's main health clinic being closed, requiring residents to travel to mainland Puerto Rico to get medical attention. This increased the importance of and residents' reliance on passenger ferries. With this, Pimentel Rivera (2023, p. 2) shows that everyday but inadequate transportation systems leave people, especially the poor, 'stranded to face issues such as the increase in real-estate speculation driving dispossession [...] and deteriorating health outcomes since the US Navy's departure'. The contributions from Robinson et al. (2022) and Thomas and Benjamin (2022) highlight the role of disasters in reinforcing the 'othering' of certain Caribbean nationals. In the case of Hurricane Maria, Black and brown Puerto Ricans were treated as second-class colonial citizens—information was withheld from them and inaccurate information communicated to them (Robinson et al., 2022). After Hurricane Dorian, the Haitian migrants were threatened with deportation even when the legal grounds were shaky and those who died were not counted in official death tolls (Thomas & Benjamin, 2022). This led the authors to call for multi-scalar climate justice and the incorporation of a human rights framework when addressing loss and damage from climate-amplified disasters. Our identification of coloniality as a theme of environmental justice in the region highlights that exploitation of the region itself is grounded in coloniality. While we acknowledge that coloniality is different from colonialism and imperialism, with the latter two being more about economic and political structures and expansionism, respectively, the three were sometimes difficult to discreetly distinguish across the articles in the special issue. For example, for Pimentel Rivera (2023, p. 2), Vieques is a 'colony within a colony' where there are everyday examples of the 'colonial state's continuous failure to deliver an essential service' – the ferry. This affects the ability of people to move, and demonstrates the economic and political power that mainland Puerto Rico has over Vieques. However, Puerto Rico is a Commonwealth of the US, and is subject to laws made by the US Congress. Robinson et al. (2022) show that because of the 1920 Merchant Marine Act, passed by US Congress, Puerto Ricans were denied non-US aid after the passage of Hurricane Maria, the most intense strike on the island since 1928, that left the country devastated. These two perspectives on environmental justice in Puerto Rico show that coloniality manifests as both ordinary (e.g., everyday transport) and extraordinary (e.g., extreme weather events) through slow violence. Puerto Rico's political arrangement with the US highlights that questions of sovereignty are critical in the Caribbean. In fact, the majority of Caribbean States are non-sovereign, and statuses vary 'greatly from integration through different degrees of autonomy to almost full sovereignty' (Clegg & Killingray, 2012, p. 1). The British, French, and Dutch have overseas territories in the region (Robinson & Wren, 2020). Anguilla, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, Cayman Islands, Montserrat, and Turks and Caicos are under British jurisdiction. French Guiana, Guadeloupe, Martinique, Saint Barthelemy, and Saint Martin are under French jurisdiction. Aruba, Curaçao, Sint Maarten, Bonaire, Saba, and Sint Eustatius are under Dutch jurisdiction. Puerto Rico and the US Virgin Islands are under US jurisdiction. Only 16 Caribbean societies are independent (Bonilla, 2015), though all are searching for 'true equality' within the world system (Ferdinand et al., 2020, p. 43). In examining the ways in which questions of sovereignty affect environmental justice in the Caribbean, it is important to distinguish between sovereignty and though both terms are often but with for environmental encompasses – the ability to and to be in a of that are not based on is a from the former colonial power, though in many ways there continues to be and that In the contributions of the special issue, there are which are below. articles in our special issue show that sovereignty is by colonial structures that autonomy at both the national and These are first in the laws that continue to perpetuate and injustice, and that lead to Puerto Rico, though under the sovereignty of the is in (Clegg & p. Puerto Ricans and in – historically a that affects and 2018, p. Robinson et al. (2022) show for example, the 1920 Merchant Marine the injustices of relief Furthermore, the itself Puerto Rico dependent on the denied relief from both US and non-US highlights the of Puerto Ricans within the US colonial These and other colonial structures sovereignty through of that have resulted in the of aid to migrants after and the of a system within which everyday are not or Thomas and Benjamin (2022) how Haitian migrants to be a of The especially in where are in the country, and need aid in the and of disasters. These Haitian migrants were from relief and aid based on the that The Bahamas was its to determine the of its In the case of the Jamaican Goat Islands presented by Baptiste et al. (2023), there was a clear for and the communities of the logistics to valued and in However, the communities were which led to them being against the In Birthwright a similar is made to the ways in which the Jamaican sovereignty and coffee from these articles, local communities experience environmental injustices as the its sovereignty when who access to aid and and when how development be sovereignty is by is to autonomy over In most this in injustices as the control over local local populations from or from For example, in Puerto Rico, this manifests as as resulted in in the of relief aid after Hurricane (Robinson et al., 2022). García Ch. (2022) that the of an led to of sovereignty over the Colombian 'the of marine for as a of the to sovereignty over the marine space in overseas and beyond national 2022, p. 3). This resulted in Indigenous rights being and a in which further resulted in the of sovereignty is also by a of information or the of in the colonial which For example, Robinson et al. (2022) to the the relief that were on Puerto Rico and after Hurricane Maria, which the from the communities in in García Ch. an environmental discourse was to address the of even though the of the was to policies that over exploitation of the This of information was a to sovereignty over the by the this not address the injustices of the in the 2022). The as to where information is and by impacts whether sovereignty can be sovereignty is affected by practices that the ability of countries to and to This can be tied to the issue of debt as coloniality, as in the previous For example, Robinson et al. (2022) show how the of rather than to Puerto Ricans who needed aid after Hurricane led to the exploitation of vulnerable As a US Commonwealth and a economy on its Puerto Rico is from many of international to address climate (also see Robinson & Carlson, 2021). Misiedjan (2023) also how the colonial of the Dutch has led to their Caribbean islands Aruba, Curaçao, St Maarten, Bonaire, St and The further that the political of the Caribbean them from to address climate islands are seen as of they do not for international even though they are not from the This of sovereignty also that they are not protected from climate via international as the islands are not These practices are and the sovereignty of these sovereignty into a discourse on environmental justice in the Caribbean highlights the ways in which injustices are when is While Caribbean States have different degrees of of them environmental injustices that from their colonial It therefore, important to recognise this as a of and of addressing the systems at play in to environmental justice in the context of the region. the region's almost uniform experience of colonisation and capital exploitation that was based on chattel slavery and plantation economies (see Robinson et al., 2023), it has a long history of resisting imperial domination and From the in in the Caribbean their in order to Many their to the in everyday of the laws and for their by to their in and by European also led and in – the plantations in and communities in 2023). After around land and social led to against increased and long working (Williams et al., 2020). In the Caribbean, therefore, is and of a struggle in to oppression and injustice. It is that this history has not the evolution of a environmental justice movement in the region. The articles in the the ways in which and groups be to against the of injustice. highlight even though injustices are there are that are working against these systems as of For example, Pimentel Rivera (2023) the of the Vieques population, against ferry and increased With the This resulted in an increase in the of new for the ferry system, and a of the to a that residents Robinson et al. (2022) highlight the role of the of in against the US Government to get aid and for the people of Puerto Rico in the of Hurricane Misiedjan (2023) a call to use to access to address climate in the Caribbean under a human rights and for the Dutch Government to the Caribbean territories in its climate García Ch. (2022) shows how a to a protected area is being by Indigenous communities as a of and their As Ch. (2022, p. the legal orders and their hierarchies the Indigenous has national and local to and their rights over the marine their into the legal The articles in the special issue, begin to show the of to understanding the ways in which environmental injustices are being across the region. this is defined in the context of the Caribbean, especially in of the that there is This for a more of environmental in the region. The articles that the a in an special issue by Baptiste and which articles on climate justice in the Caribbean. From the articles, we identify three coloniality, (2) sovereignty, and (3) form the emerging elements of an environmental justice theory for the region. provides the frame for understanding the of exploitation and how it continues to itself even in shows how the struggle for or environmental on the systems that to against the power structures of exploitation in of environmental these themes in the broader literature also allows to the of scholars such as Bonilla, Pulido, and Sheller, who were across the special We were also to highlight and in this area of is the limited of environmental justice issues and in the Caribbean and Robinson and Robinson (2018) note the uneven research attention to the Caribbean with to climate and the countries not in the special issue are St and and the US Virgin Islands, which should be considered for a investigation of environmental is the limited focus on those from which the region has historically and significant in the articles in our special issue and and knowledge generation, among could spotlight travel and in Antigua and Barbuda, and on articles such as (2023, p. that have describing the human and policy of climate possibility is an investigation of and gas development in Guyana, and work that of which highlights the between and among the and colonial the of intense and the of Indigenous the articles in the that environmental justice in the Caribbean. As it is to environmental justice in the context in which it is set the that these need to be studied through a of the historical of the region. While also the need to the emerging elements of an environmental justice theory that this we also call on scholars, and to begin to to a of and to further define the contours of environmental justice in the Caribbean. We recognise that different at different in are to environmental justice issues and that there are different of environmental justice (following & Holifield, 2001). For example, an is to differ from that of an political local or of this, the of a or in which a diversity of can be also the perspectives on and of in different countries, groups to The authors the of this and for the production of the special issue. We also to all to the special issue itself for their we to the of University and for the are in the main

Environmental justice · Geography · Political science · Climate Change, Adaptation, Migration · Ecocriticism and Environmental Literature · Environmental Justice and Health Disparities · Law

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