Account Strategies for the Violation of Social Norms

Social norms supply people with standards of behaviour. They influence the decisions we make about how to dress for dinner parties, about how we solve conflicts or even about whether or not we should give up our seat on the bus for an elderly lady. If we decide to commit a normcontradicting behaviour, we feel the force of social sanctions, exercised either directly against us by social agents who disapprove of our behaviour, or indirectly through threats to our socially dependent sense of self-esteem. The latter form of sanction should be regarded as perhaps the more important if one is personally committed to the norm in question. For example, if you decide to stay in your seat while the elderly lady is at the mercy of the shaking bus, your own—shared—social norm about the need to help others would be violated and you would feel discomfort. A more direct kind of social intervention could be observed if you entered an expensive restaurant in swimming trunks or if you hit a police officer who blames you for a traffic offence. Since everybody is breaking specific norms all the time in daily life, humans have developed techniques to cope with the negative effects of norm violation. Communication sciences, sociology and psychology have described such coping mechanisms using interrelated concepts, mostly revolving around the account term. Accounts in this sense have been defined as “statements made to explain untoward behaviour and bridge the gap between actions and expectations” (Scott & Lyman, 1968; p. 46). In addition, specified concepts like the storytelling approach (e.g. Harvey, Weber & Orbuch, 1990), or Peter Schönbach's (1990) work on interpersonal account episodes have developed using the account term. Other theoretical traditions (e.g. Sykes & Matza, 1957; Goffman, 1971; Schwartz, 1977; Weiner, Amirkhan, Folkes & Verette, 1987) have not used the term but deal with exactly the same topic: the buffering of negative psychological and social effects caused by social norm violation. This article offers both an integrated approach to, and an extension of, the different sociological and psychological methods of categorizing account strategies. Hence a selective overview of account- and account-like concepts and typologies will at first be given, followed by the presentation of an integrative meta-taxonomy, the ways model. As stated in the introduction, social control of norm-relevant behaviour works in a more or less direct way. The social agent can be the actor herself who shares a specific social norm and has integrated it into her self-concept. Alternatively (or additionally) the advocate of the social norm can be located outside the person as an opponent who is present in the critical situation. Accounts should be given in both kinds of “social” situation. The classic account concept was presented by Marvin Scott and Stanford Lyman in 1968, and explicitly dealt with interpersonal talk. This work has been taken up by a number of social scientists and has generated a wide variety of research and extended theorization (see for an overview Durkin, 2000; Lyman, 2000). Schönbach (1990) for example proposed a dynamic model of interpersonal account-giving. According to this author an account episode consists of a norm violation committed by the actor (failure event), followed by an opponent's reproach, an account put forward by the accused actor and a last phase, the evaluation of the account's validity by the opponent. If this evaluation leaves the opponent unsatisfied, a further account will most likely be demanded. This model of account negotiation has inspired a considerable amount of research aiming to identify the proposed internal structure of these phases, and to investigate the conflict escalation mechanisms involved in normative disputes (for an overview Cody & McLaughlin, 1990; Schönbach, 1998). Following Schönbach, conflict escalation is deemed likely when the accused actor uses accounts that damage the opponent's sense of control and self-esteem. Hence, the central task of an actor accused by an external opponent of norm violation is to undermine the opponent's reproach without at the same time undermining the opponent. Such mutual face-saving (e.g. Ting-Toomey, 1994) aims to mitigate interpersonal conflict. Accounts do not only work through interpersonal interaction but also occur through intrapersonal “dialogue”. Lyman (2000) puts forward this notion by stating that accounts “might be uttered aloud, set down as written statements, or remain unvocalized within the account giver's inner arcana of unspoken thoughts” (p. 8). Accordingly, account giving can be viewed as a cognitive script that derives from an equivalent social script (Schank & Ableson, 1977), one that obliges an account be given when an actor is accused of norm violation. It applies when an actor intends to execute, or has already executed, a specific behaviour that contradicts an internalized social norm salient to the particular situation. Although the actor rarely doubts the sense of validity promulgated by an internal account, specific internal or external cues or the presence of counter arguments can lead to an internal negotiation of the account's appropriateness. This notion leads to an integrated situational model of account giving, based on Schönbach's account episode model, but extended by prebehavioural account negotiation as well as by the possibility of an internal opponent (Fritsche, 2002a; Figure 1). Schönbach's (1990) conceptualisation of the account episode, extended for intrapersonal and prebehavioural account giving. Account giving serves numerous functions such as guilt-defense (Bybee, Zigler, Berliner & Mersca, 1996), the preservation and restoration of positive self-image (Snyder, Higgins & Stucky, 1983), self-esteem (Weiner, 1985) and personal control (Schönbach, 1990). Used in social interactions, account giving serves as a means of self-presentation (McLaughlin, Cody, Dickson & Manusov, 1992; Buttny, 1993), of avoiding punishment (Itoi, Ohbuchi & Fukuno, 1996) and of conflict-settlement (Cody & McLaughlin, 1990; Schönbach, 1998). Furthermore accounting enables individuals to break social norms that they are committed to, especially when the accounts are given in the run-up to a critical behaviour in response to norminconsistent intentions (Sykes & Matza, 1957; Fritsche, 2002b). From the perspective of social control, the latter function of account giving is particularly interesting in the way it reflects on the roles intra- and interindividual accounts play in the implementation of specific social norms in everyday behaviour. In 1957, the sociologists Gresham Sykes and David Matza published an article that initialized a considerable body of research under the rubric of neutralization theory. This theory, developed primarily within the context of delinquency research, has also been generalized outwards to help with the explanation of any normcontradicting behaviour (e.g. Opp, 1974). Neutralization theory assumes that people break rules not because they do not share the underlying norms, but rather because they are able to situationally neutralize these norms by accounting for their normcontradictive intentions. For instance, one can transfer this idea to an examination of a social norm like ‘pro-environmental behaviour’ (Schahn, Dinger & Bohner, 1995), since in many countries pro-environmental attitudes are widely spread and are socially desirable standards of conduct (e.g. European Commission, 1999; Schahn, Damian, Schurig & Füchsle, 2000). Now, imagine the senior lady from our bus, introduced in the first section, who—in spite of increasing infirmity—does not want to give up her flight to her beloved holiday destination on the Canary Islands. Asked by a social scientist if she is in favour of protecting the environment she states that she is, and also that she agrees with the need to restrict the levels of air traffic. But the next day she enters a travel agency and books a flight to the Canary Islands. According to Sykes & Matza (1957), the process that must have taken place in between her response to the social scientist and her purchase of the plane ticket can be described as the neutralization of social “disapproval1 flowing from internalized norms and conforming others in the social environment” (p. 666). This theory states that people neutralize social norms by learning specific techniques of neutralization: for example “It is by learning these techniques that the juvenile becomes delinquent, rather than by learning moral imperatives, values or attitudes standing in direct contradiction to those of the dominant society.” (p. 667). The idea that account giving moderates the norm-behaviour relationship is also explicated in Shalom Schwartz's norm activation model (Schwartz, 1977; Schwartz & Howard, 1981). According to this model it is possible for actors to omit helping behaviour, despite pro-helping intentions (subjective norm), by using account-like “defenses” to revise cognitions that would otherwise lead to moral obligations. However, the trick of prebehavioural accounting is to break norms without fundamentally undermining them. Through this discursive technique it is not only possible for people to reconcile actual intentions and behaviours with intersituational norms but also to maintain and conserve those social norms. Hence, societies with high levels of account giving activities should contain highly stable systems of normative beliefs and moral commandments. Despite different conceptualizations of account giving's place in the action sequence (both pre- as well as postbehavioural accounts) and its locus of expression (expressed either internally or in social interaction), there should generally be a comparable internal structure. Nevertheless, different theoretical traditions of account research have developed independent typologies. The most common and basic distinction in the literature on account giving is made between justifications and excuses (Austin, 1961; Scott & Lyman, 1968). Using an excuse means that an actor denies her volitional connection to the criticized behaviour without doubting the behaviour's normcontradictive character2. In contrast to this, using a justification means that an actor questions the falseness of the behaviour but does not dispute her own involvement3. Schönbach (1980) extended this fundamental distinction between justifications and excuses by adding the categories concession and refusal. In the case of concession the actor confesses or admits to the failure in question, whereas refusal“includes such lines of defence as denial that the act in question was in fact committed, and refusal to grant the other party the right of reproach” (Cody & McLaughlin, 1990, p. 230). Schönbach (1990) ranks the account categories in order of escalating defensiveness from concessions, to excuses, to justifications and up to refusals, which should be the most defensive or aggravating strategy in interpersonal conflict (see also Holtgraves, 1989). The past decades have also seen social science researchers developing a number of smaller scale typologies (e.g. Sykes & Matza, 1957; Scott & Lyman, 1968; Prus, 1975; Harré, 1977; Borkin & Reinhart, 1978; Tedeschi & Reiss, 1981; Schlenker & Darby, 1981; Cody & McLaughlin, 1988; Schahn, 1993). In accordance with Tedeschi & Reiss (1981), it is argued here that the number of possible account giving micro-strategies should theoretically be unlimited because account giving is a flexible cognitive and liguistic device that can be adapted to a broad range of different situations. This is why applying existing research on accounts to new fields of inquiry will often bring new micro-strategies to light. The oldest typology of modal range stems from Sykes & Matza (1957) work, and even nowadays this constitutes the core of neutralization theory. The authors mention “five major types” (p. 667) of neutralization, namely denial of responsibility, denial of injury, denial of the victim, condemnation of the condemners and appeal to higher loyalties. It has to be kept in mind that this list was developed with reference to the acts of juvenile criminals. In the course of his further development of neutralization research, Minor (1981) supplemented this compilation with defense of necessity and the metaphor of the ledger (which refers to the assertion that the rule-breaker “has a sufficient supply of good to his credit [and] can [therefore] indulge in some evil without feeling guilty”, p. 298). Neutralization theory has been applied to a variety of normcontradicting behaviours but research still relies on this set of five or seven techniques. Only Schahn et al. (1995), who investigated how “environmentally harmful behaviours” are neutralized in everyday life, adapted and extended this collection of techniques to fit their topic. They excluded the techniques denial of the victim and appeal to higher loyalties and added the following types of accounting (see also Schahn 1993): reference to lack of knowledge, reference to laziness, reference to helplessness of the individual and refusal to take responsibility for the future (“Nach mir die Sintflut”). An empirical analysis of the typology's sufficiency with respect to environmentally harmful behaviour (Fritsche & Mayrhofer, 2002) revealed a need for definitory refinement and explication in order to differentiate between the account giving strategies. It also suggested a need for three further account categories: Promised reform, acceptance of guilt (see also Linneweber & Haberstroh, 1996) and reference to the sins of others4. Such collections of account giving strategies leave behind them a sense of empirical arbitrariness. This is due not only to their contextual specifity (as mentioned above, lists of account strategies differ considerably between different contexts of norm-violating behaviour) but also to the lack of meta theoretical assumptions connecting the categories to and amongst each other. If the aim of an investigation is to describe the range of possible accounts given in a specific situation in as finely-grained a manner as possible, nothing is wrong with micro But as as we to identify the of account giving to all the of micro we need a meta that the of accounts in an and theoretically way. The distinction between concessions, excuses, justifications and (Scott & Lyman, 1968; Schönbach, mentioned above, offers such a meta-taxonomy, able to any micro in a specific this a number of its and empirical for different of the structure of accounts given in the context of norm-violating social can a about the to which social norms are into daily For example, an of the need for be well be into specific behaviour within the of or but lack the same of when people or their As puts it in his on will on the (p. As the daily of behaviour is by a reproach of normcontradictive behaviour, account giving by the accused can a on the and of the the of can that there is a between norm and behaviour. the common of is not to which specific norm is to be violated by the behaviour in question. An analysis of the account has to both the specific behaviour that is as well as the specific norm that is In with such an the term justification should to a denial that the behaviour in question does not a situationally salient specific norm (e.g. It should not to a denial of an 2000; p. This a need to micro strategies that present different norms like the appeal to higher loyalties to social of necessity and to If Schönbach's account typology is applied to the escalation of interpersonal and excuses to be more at interpersonal conflict than either justifications or From the perspective of conflict actors should to one of these This is the possible at to the that an actor is able to own there are that can restrict an to present as an agent who has to situationally specific social norms of the that behaviour the normative by the opponent and the to and sense of control (Schönbach, 1990, a that could be violated through a with an opponent's reproach of the normcontradictive behaviour. Although the of the latter on the of the reproach & and other situational as well as they a or be present and direct such social interaction in the of either external or internal For account episodes this means that in most there will be a for the actor to defensive accounts like justifications and in order to maintain or to her own and her in her internal However, conflict aims to a between the own psychological and the of the for and control are through account In order to the face-saving of at the accused should a strategy that aims to between the and escalation The typology does not such a actors are to decide between their own in action control or the opponent's moral who are highly and control, not want to either of these strategies. This because on the one of the failure could undermine her sense of and control and on the the opponent the of social by people Hence, strategies like those suggested by Minor (1981), such as metaphor of the ledger or to the sins of are highly they do not fit into the existing argued in the justification is to to a that a specific norm has been one which the reproach has made The notion of strategies (see also given the of intrapersonal account giving. This is because an to maintain her sense of by her actions does not an actor from or its defined means to revise the evaluation of an own behaviour such as a As we from cognitive research 1957; humans for in their cognitions and behaviours and it can be without a specific need to, actors will their and will do this by using Hence, not only in but also in account giving actors should for strategies that in the between excuses and not in the In the a new of account ways based on both micro and but without the of Schönbach's (1980) or the of excuses and the of the ways model of account giving, to the who the of the by the right to for the as an act of the some in order to with the by the of the to the of in For this was since his was not for three in of the under the In the to the acceptance of on the way of The of account giving, presented in the following section, the ways people when guilt and different account strategies from for particular way of a into the ways not the ways but rather the of account giving (Scott & Lyman, 1968; Schönbach, from the The from to the a situational reproach made by an internal or external A reproach is to a person who is accused of a specific behaviour that a For the accused acceptance of guilt means acceptance of the opponent's of the situation. this that the opponent's reproach of the actor is by the first the person responsibility for the of the behaviour in question and she admits that the behaviour contradicts the norm The the who this or explicitly their guilt by using accounts like a it was or has Accordingly, the for Schönbach (1980) a The way of (see for or cognitions that do not that an actor does not her In order to this in traffic into It can be seen that by using specific account strategies the actor can three to of the the way of the way of on different ways (see for The first can be the accused person enters the the individual to deal with the reproach, for example by the condemners or to take responsibility for the future the This first would be equivalent to Schönbach's The next on the way of can be between person and behaviour. denial of responsibility or reference to lack of that both and the connection between actor and behaviour and a classic excuse (Austin, However, justification is by the next and last possible between behaviour and The of this account denial of or denial of the that all of the micro strategies in this model are only for the different of account giving. They are taken from neutralization theory and are not to be of the The in the into the of account giving's by categories for each way. The ways model in the account the of the term has been in order to make it more for the analysis of behaviour (see the micro strategies present in that a amount of strategies are strategies to other norms than those by the reproach (e.g. to the of on when with the reproach that such are environmentally to behaviour in the past the future (e.g. that most other have been in and about the behaviour of others (e.g. to the of other who by using these the actor the reproach without considerable and without the or her own in the behaviour. these theoretically (Sykes & Matza, 1957; 1981; Schahn, and (Fritsche & Mayrhofer, the ways model, also an of namely an actor the reproach as well as his or her own but of with the norm in question and its to the behaviour, the behaviour is to other norms of other defense of appeal to higher reference to to other of the behaviours of other behaviour, reference to helplessness of the reference to the sins of or to the behaviour of other people of other metaphor of the The ways model of account-giving. be as the way an actor by her with the first in the reproach acceptance or of the person acceptance or of own agency behaviour (or that the behaviour contradicts the salient norm behaviour other behaviour other behaviour, behaviour other the behaviour in the of norms, own behaviour at other or the behaviour of other The ways model as a of account giving, into three other behaviour, other The concept can be from justifications and excuses because here the accused denies that a specified norm has been violated her own connection to the behaviour. actors their behaviour by adding that has not been in the opponent's reproach, but which enables the guilt to be In this a way of the of how to an opponent's reproach at the same the opponent's of the situation. For a of and that by using it is possible for an actor to mitigate her own guilt an opponent's of the situation According to the of the (see the of offers a of located between justifications and excuses, a from the the of justifications from the way of the other norm the need to the specific norms, as well as to investigate how specific norms and behaviours are within social and individual The of in this model that these strategies are most likely to be used under that do not the of justifications and and excuses and the of rather than justifications or would be likely if both an individual is accused of violated norms of high or and the norm and the behaviour are or socially as However, the high of the norm would not be a sufficient on an actor from using justifications or For imagine that the lady from the shaking bus mentioned to the and a and you of for that because you not her your In this example the violation of a norm would not lead to a in the of either justifications or because the criticized behaviour would only be to the This would not be the case if you the lady with your while the justifications and would be because of the direct between your behaviour and the in social one can specific behaviours that have entered the of as of specific norms and rarely justifications and In interpersonal account justifications and often the opponent's sense of control and self-esteem by her normative Hence, these strategies should be when the external opponent's for self-esteem and are important for the From interpersonal conflict research it can be that this would be the case when the actor herself as dependent the opponent & for example future interaction (e.g. & or when the opponent is seen as able to the the other in can also of through interpersonal and & or at through a about et p. in interpersonal common or positive intrapersonal account giving one can a of justifications and refusals, because an individual is more likely to be that his behaviour a specific In with the assumptions of cognitive theory high in an internal reproach should lead to to by using excuses or As a the way of with internal using excuses an actor denies her to and responsibility the behaviour in question. As a one must that this account strategy should be if the accused herself as to in the behaviour, or if this is the of Schönbach's (1990) escalation model for interpersonal account episodes that the an need for control and the more will be her of excuses and are and should account giving in both intrapersonal and interpersonal As stated above, the actor as well as the opponent to their for self-esteem and control and can be viewed as a between and aggravating research on opponent's of that to this But the evaluation of to justifications than to excuses & their effects on interpersonal can also direct an from the norm violation. They do this by different social norms than those by the If an for instance, his behaviour with reference to the sins of others who have also committed this behaviour, this has for From the perspective of need and there is why an elderly lady who to take a flight to the Canary should from as other are also using these (see & 2000). In contrast the norm works in favour of the actor if she the of the criticized behaviour, the metaphor of the The implementation of social norms into daily behaviour can be investigated by internal or interpersonal account to an interesting of their internal states of cognitive as well as the levels to which interpersonal conflict can This is accounts such a for social science the model of account an is that to be theoretically as well as more than based as they are on the distinction between excuses and The ways as an a device to a behaviour with contextual However, have revealed that the ways model empirical research is still to the and of behaviour. For example the that behaviour by contextual is any more face-saving for an opponent than the actor doubting the of the opponent's reproach has to be The ways in the is as will will to the collection of micro from research, there will be micro strategies which occur within different normative However, the of the ways model should a sufficient for or already account strategies in the

Epistemology · Extension (predicate logic · Social science · Sociological research · Sociological theory · Sociology · Cultural Differences and Values · Philosophy · Psychology · Psychology of Social Influence · Social and Intergroup Psychology · Social Psychology

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