Javier Ormazabal
Dados Biográficos
| ID | 1001675 |
|---|---|
| NOME | Javier Ormazabal |
| PRENOMES | Javier |
| SOBRENOME | Ormazabal |
| ASSINATURA | ORMAZABAL J |
| AFILIAÇÕES | Retired from Basque Group of Theoretical Linguistics (HiTT), The University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) , Vitoria-Gasteiz , Spain |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-9774-8247 |
| VERIFICADO | Sim |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 5 |
| TOTAL DE CITAÇÕES | 27 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 5 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMEIRO ANO DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2007 |
| ANO MAIS RECENTE DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2025 |
| ÍNDICE H | 2 |
Agreement without agree
In this paper we present an approach to agreement where different agreement processes occur at different levels. We argue that φ-feature valuation is never the trigger of a checking relation between a head H and an NP, but the effect of a syntactic relation that must be triggered by some independent operation. We analyze in detail characteristic cases where agreement is not syntactic but induced in the morphological component or in processing. We…
In the Beginning Was a To -Phrase
In this article, we reply to the objections raised against a connection between double object constructions (DOCs) and to-constructions and present new arguments showing the empirical and theoretical advantages of derivational analyses over nonderivational ones. We argue that to-constructions and DOCs share a common substructure—where the theme is higher than the goal—that construction-based analyses fail to capture, both crosslinguistically and …
Deconstructing SE-Constructions
Most analyses of nonparadigmatic SE sentences derive their agreement patterns structurally, forcing a passive/impersonal distinction against all evidence. Instead, we uniformly analyze them as regular sentences where the T-agreeing subject is se itself, an argumental clitic pronoun, with [person] but no number φ-features, and show that the overt argument, which has object properties, does not genuinely agree in syntax. We reveal a new asymmetry b…
PPs without Disguises
Bresnan and Nikitina (2009) and Rappaport Hovav and Levin (2008) show that, contrary to standard assumptions, fixed-theme idioms may appear in to-constructions under certain pragmatic circumstances. Bruening (2010a) contends that the cases they present are in fact R(ightward)-dative shifts, double object constructions with the object projected to the right. In this article, we argue that Bruening’s proposed theoretical apparatus is unnecessarily …
The Object Agreement Constraint
The Object Agreement Constraint
PPs without Disguises
Bresnan and Nikitina (2009) and Rappaport Hovav and Levin (2008) show that, contrary to standard assumptions, fixed-theme idioms may appear in to-constructions under certain pragmatic circumstances. Bruening (2010a) contends that the cases they present are in fact R(ightward)-dative shifts, double object constructions with the object projected to the right. In this article, we argue that Bruening’s proposed theoretical apparatus is unnecessarily …
Deconstructing SE-Constructions
Most analyses of nonparadigmatic SE sentences derive their agreement patterns structurally, forcing a passive/impersonal distinction against all evidence. Instead, we uniformly analyze them as regular sentences where the T-agreeing subject is se itself, an argumental clitic pronoun, with [person] but no number φ-features, and show that the overt argument, which has object properties, does not genuinely agree in syntax. We reveal a new asymmetry b…
The Object Agreement Constraint
PPs without Disguises
Bresnan and Nikitina (2009) and Rappaport Hovav and Levin (2008) show that, contrary to standard assumptions, fixed-theme idioms may appear in to-constructions under certain pragmatic circumstances. Bruening (2010a) contends that the cases they present are in fact R(ightward)-dative shifts, double object constructions with the object projected to the right. In this article, we argue that Bruening’s proposed theoretical apparatus is unnecessarily …
In the Beginning Was a To -Phrase
In this article, we reply to the objections raised against a connection between double object constructions (DOCs) and to-constructions and present new arguments showing the empirical and theoretical advantages of derivational analyses over nonderivational ones. We argue that to-constructions and DOCs share a common substructure—where the theme is higher than the goal—that construction-based analyses fail to capture, both crosslinguistically and …
Deconstructing SE-Constructions
Most analyses of nonparadigmatic SE sentences derive their agreement patterns structurally, forcing a passive/impersonal distinction against all evidence. Instead, we uniformly analyze them as regular sentences where the T-agreeing subject is se itself, an argumental clitic pronoun, with [person] but no number φ-features, and show that the overt argument, which has object properties, does not genuinely agree in syntax. We reveal a new asymmetry b…
Agreement without agree
In this paper we present an approach to agreement where different agreement processes occur at different levels. We argue that φ-feature valuation is never the trigger of a checking relation between a head H and an NP, but the effect of a syntactic relation that must be triggered by some independent operation. We analyze in detail characteristic cases where agreement is not syntactic but induced in the morphological component or in processing. We…
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (5 obras) · Linguistics (4 obras) · Philosophy (4 obras) · Computer Science (3 obras) · Agreement (2 obras) · Linguistics and Discourse Analysis (2 obras) · Mathematics (2 obras) · Argument (complex analysis (1 obras) · Artificial Intelligence (1 obras) · Categorization, perception, and language (1 obras)