Lauren Eby Clemens
Biographic Data
| ID | 1009693 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Lauren Eby Clemens |
| GIVEN NAMES | Lauren Eby |
| FAMILY NAME | Clemens |
| SIGNATURE | CLEMENS L E |
| AFFILIATIONS | University at Albany, State University of New York |
| VERIFIED | No |
| TOTAL WORKS | 8 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 38 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 8 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2015 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2021 |
| H-INDEX | 3 |
Attachment height and prosodic phrasing in Rutooro
Syntactic Ergativity as a Constraint on Crossing Dependencies: The Perspective from Mayan
This article presents an account of syntactic ergativity based on the grammaticalization of a processing-based preference for nested as compared with crossing dependencies. We propose that ergative subject extraction restrictions arise because such movement would cross the prior Ā-movement path of the absolutive object and create an illicit crossed dependency. Our account predicts that arguments merged between the A-movement tails of the absoluti…
Tone lowering in nominal compounds of Copala Triqui
This paper examines the distribution of tone lowering in the nominal compounds of Copala Triqui (Otomanguean). We consider two types of compounds: fused compounds and unfused compounds, which differ with respect to their prosodic complexity. For both types of compounds, the second root noun lowers in some examples, while it maintains its lexically specified tone in others. In this paper, we consider the advantages and disadvantages of a lexical a…
Prosodic Noun Incorporation: The Relationship between Prosody and Argument Structure in Niuean
This paper argues for a uniform X0-raising analysis of VSO and VOS word order in Niuean. Accounting for VSO via X0raising has a strong foundation in the V1 literature; the claim that X0raising can also underlie VOS word order-as in Niuean's pseudo-noun-incorporation construction-is more controversial. This paper explains the VOS order of Niuean pseudo noun incorporation by appealing to a condition on prosodic well-formedness,Argument-φ, that requ…
Deriving verb-initial word order in Mayan
Individual languages in the Mayan family display either rigid VSO or alternating VOS/VSO word orders (England 1991). In this article we review problems with previous accounts of Mayan word order and argue that verb-initial (V1) order is consistently derived by head movement of the verb to a position above the subject and below Infl 0 , which accounts for uniformity in verb-stem formation across the family. After an in-depth examination of the fac…
Verb‐Initial Word Orders, Primarily in Austronesian and Mayan Languages
This chapter presents several approaches to the syntax of verb‐initial (V1) languages with a special emphasis on Mayan and Austronesian languages. Some V1 languages are strictly VSO, others are VOS, and a significant number combine both orders. This chapter focuses on data from VSO/VOS languages and the factors that underlie these alternations. A number of V1 languages can be more adequately characterized as predicate‐initial, with V1 representin…
Generalization of French and Portuguese plural alternations and initial syllable protection
We present two cases of morphophonological alternations in the plural of nouns, one from French and one from Brazilian Portuguese. In both of them, monosyllabic items are protected from right-edge alternations more than polysyllabic items are, an asymmetry we attribute to privileged protection of initial syllables. We implement the analyses of the two languages using constraint-based grammars that take trends learned across the lexicon and predic…
Ergativity and the complexity of extraction: A view from Mayan
Deriving verb-initial word order in Mayan
Individual languages in the Mayan family display either rigid VSO or alternating VOS/VSO word orders (England 1991). In this article we review problems with previous accounts of Mayan word order and argue that verb-initial (V1) order is consistently derived by head movement of the verb to a position above the subject and below Infl 0 , which accounts for uniformity in verb-stem formation across the family. After an in-depth examination of the fac…
Prosodic Noun Incorporation: The Relationship between Prosody and Argument Structure in Niuean
This paper argues for a uniform X0-raising analysis of VSO and VOS word order in Niuean. Accounting for VSO via X0raising has a strong foundation in the V1 literature; the claim that X0raising can also underlie VOS word order-as in Niuean's pseudo-noun-incorporation construction-is more controversial. This paper explains the VOS order of Niuean pseudo noun incorporation by appealing to a condition on prosodic well-formedness,Argument-φ, that requ…
Ergativity and the complexity of extraction: A view from Mayan
Attachment height and prosodic phrasing in Rutooro
Syntactic Ergativity as a Constraint on Crossing Dependencies: The Perspective from Mayan
This article presents an account of syntactic ergativity based on the grammaticalization of a processing-based preference for nested as compared with crossing dependencies. We propose that ergative subject extraction restrictions arise because such movement would cross the prior Ā-movement path of the absolutive object and create an illicit crossed dependency. Our account predicts that arguments merged between the A-movement tails of the absoluti…
Ergativity and the complexity of extraction: A view from Mayan
Verb‐Initial Word Orders, Primarily in Austronesian and Mayan Languages
This chapter presents several approaches to the syntax of verb‐initial (V1) languages with a special emphasis on Mayan and Austronesian languages. Some V1 languages are strictly VSO, others are VOS, and a significant number combine both orders. This chapter focuses on data from VSO/VOS languages and the factors that underlie these alternations. A number of V1 languages can be more adequately characterized as predicate‐initial, with V1 representin…
Generalization of French and Portuguese plural alternations and initial syllable protection
We present two cases of morphophonological alternations in the plural of nouns, one from French and one from Brazilian Portuguese. In both of them, monosyllabic items are protected from right-edge alternations more than polysyllabic items are, an asymmetry we attribute to privileged protection of initial syllables. We implement the analyses of the two languages using constraint-based grammars that take trends learned across the lexicon and predic…
Deriving verb-initial word order in Mayan
Individual languages in the Mayan family display either rigid VSO or alternating VOS/VSO word orders (England 1991). In this article we review problems with previous accounts of Mayan word order and argue that verb-initial (V1) order is consistently derived by head movement of the verb to a position above the subject and below Infl 0 , which accounts for uniformity in verb-stem formation across the family. After an in-depth examination of the fac…
Prosodic Noun Incorporation: The Relationship between Prosody and Argument Structure in Niuean
This paper argues for a uniform X0-raising analysis of VSO and VOS word order in Niuean. Accounting for VSO via X0raising has a strong foundation in the V1 literature; the claim that X0raising can also underlie VOS word order-as in Niuean's pseudo-noun-incorporation construction-is more controversial. This paper explains the VOS order of Niuean pseudo noun incorporation by appealing to a condition on prosodic well-formedness,Argument-φ, that requ…
Tone lowering in nominal compounds of Copala Triqui
This paper examines the distribution of tone lowering in the nominal compounds of Copala Triqui (Otomanguean). We consider two types of compounds: fused compounds and unfused compounds, which differ with respect to their prosodic complexity. For both types of compounds, the second root noun lowers in some examples, while it maintains its lexically specified tone in others. In this paper, we consider the advantages and disadvantages of a lexical a…
Attachment height and prosodic phrasing in Rutooro
Syntactic Ergativity as a Constraint on Crossing Dependencies: The Perspective from Mayan
This article presents an account of syntactic ergativity based on the grammaticalization of a processing-based preference for nested as compared with crossing dependencies. We propose that ergative subject extraction restrictions arise because such movement would cross the prior Ā-movement path of the absolutive object and create an illicit crossed dependency. Our account predicts that arguments merged between the A-movement tails of the absoluti…
Computer Science (8 works) · Linguistics (8 works) · Mathematics (8 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (7 works) · Philosophy (6 works) · Noun (5 works) · Phonetics and Phonology Research (5 works) · Linguistic Variation and Morphology (4 works) · Natural language processing (4 works) · Artificial Intelligence (3 works)