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Benjamin Schreer

Biographic Data

ID1013501
NAMEBenjamin Schreer
GIVEN NAMESBenjamin
FAMILY NAMESchreer
SIGNATURESCHREER B
AFFILIATIONSMacquarie University
ORCID0000-0002-2702-4016
VERIFIEDYes
TOTAL WORKS25
TOTAL CITATIONS36
AUTHOR COUNT25
EDITOR COUNT0
FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR2008
LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR2022
H-INDEX3
  • Will Europe Defend Taiwan

    Open Access•Sheryn Lee, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•The Washington Quarterly•2022•Cited by: 1

  • A geopolitical and geostrategic blueprint for Nato’s China challenge

    Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Comparative Strategy•2022

    How will the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) respond to China’s rise? At the heart of NATO’s China challenge is the need for allies to grasp the magnitude of Beijing’s emerging geopolitical challenge to the Euro-Atlantic area. Utilizing geopolitical theories developed by Halford Mackinder and Nicholas Spykman, the article argues that China is evolving into a transatlantic challenge on the Eurasian “maritime periphery.” Consequently, NAT…

  • Finland, Sweden and Nato Membership

    William Alberque, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Survival•2022•Cited by: 3

    Russia’s war against Ukraine has suddenly made NATO membership for Finland and Sweden highly likely. It would end their long-standing postures of ‘armed neutrality’. Their accession would constitute a major shift in European security. Properly managed, it could produce a net benefit. Both nations would be security providers, with highly capable forces. They would make significant contributions to burden-sharing among the allies and enhance NATO’s…

  • What Kind of Nato Allies Will Finland and Sweden Be

    William Alberque, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Survival•2022

    Barring a Turkish veto, Finland and Sweden will join NATO as full members prior to the Alliance’s Vilnius Summit in June 2023. Both confront several political, military and defence-industrial choices regarding their membership, with different benefits and opportunity costs for each country and the Alliance depending on whether they select a low, medium or high level of ambition. Both are likely to adopt a medium level of ambition, opening up a ra…

  • Taiwan Issue: Problems and Prospects

    Benjamin Schreer, Andrew T H Tan•BOOK•Taiwan Issue•2021

  • After the INF: What Will US Indo-Pacific Allies Do

    Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•The Washington Quarterly•2020

    On August 2, 2019, the United States formally left the 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty—which prohibited the United States and the Russian Federation from deploying ground-based

  • Why US-Sino strategic competition is good for Australia

    Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Australian Journal Of International…•2019•References: 3

    Faced with an increasingly authoritarian and assertive China, the United States (US) under President Trump administration’s has embarked on a course toward a more openly competitive US–China relationship. However, the debate in Australia has viewed the new era of US-Sino strategic competition mostly negatively. Indeed, arguments have been made for a need to ‘radically’ rethink Australia’s defence policy in order to prepare for a ‘post-US-led’ reg…

  • Terrorism and Insurgency in Asia

    Benjamin Schreer, Andrew T H Tan•BOOK•Terrorism and Insurgency in Asia•2019

  • Towards Contested 'Spheres of Influence' in the Western Pacific: Rising China, Classical Geopolitics, and Asia-Pacific Stability

    Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Geopolitics•2019•Cited by: 3

    The evolution of US-Sino great power competition in East Asia has emerged as a key geostrategic issue in international politics. A central question is whether the ‘geography of the peace’ will prevail where, despite their natural predisposition to compete for regional hegemony, the two great powers respect each other’s ‘spheres of influence’. This concept assumes that, as a major continental power, China remains preoccupied with securing its land…

  • Countering China’s “United Front”

    Bates Gill, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•The Washington Quarterly•2018•Cited by: 2

    Concerns are mounting in Washington and other capitals around the globe about the negative aspects of China’s growing power and reach. Beyond pursuing economic and military competition, the Chinese

  • Australia and the Rules-Based Order in Asia

    Nick Bisley, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Asian Survey•2018•Cited by: 2

    In response to a more-contested Asia, Australia has placed the ‘rules-based order’ at the heart of its declaratory strategic policy. This move signals Australia’s commitment to this order, to its alliance with the United States, and to a more active strategic role in the region. However, a failure to match rhetoric with action risks undermining Australia’s strategic interests by emboldening China and reducing Australia’s value as an American ally

  • Embracing the dragon? Europe’s major powers and the rise of China

    Benjamin Schreer, Yves‐heng Lim•ARTICLE•Global Affairs•2017•References: 1

    How have Europe’s major powers – the United Kingdom, France and Germany – responded to China’s growing assertiveness? The common view is that they continue a strategy of “engagement” towards Beijing. However, by tracing their respective patterns of “security alignment behaviour” towards the two rival great powers, the United States and China, we find that despite some variation each of the three powers has responded to China’s growing assertivene…

  • Trump’s Missing Asia Strategy

    Tim Huxley, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Survival•2017

    Mixed messaging and the doctrine of ‘America First’ are generating scepticism and anxiety among America’s allies and partners in the Asia-Pacific

  • The Double‐Edged Sword of Coercion: Cross‐Strait Relations After the 2016 Taiwan Elections

    Open Access•Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Asian Politics & Policy•2017•Cited by: 1•References: 32

    Whereas “optimists” argue that military conflict in the Taiwan Strait has become increasingly unlikely, “pessimists” warn that conflict remains a real option. The landslide victory for the pro‐independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) of President Tsai Ing‐wen in the January 2016 presidential and legislative elections adds fire to the debate. The DPP win makes a peaceful unification on China's terms an ever‐distant prospect. Since the elect…

  • Australia's ‘special strategic relationship’ with Japan: Another ‘China choice’

    Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Australian Journal Of International…•2015•Cited by: 2•References: 6

    In July 2014, Australia's new Prime Minister, Tony Abbott, and his Japanese counterpart, Shinzō Abe, elevated the status of bilateral ties to a ‘special strategic relationship'. Both sides also agreed on intensifying their defence technology cooperation, including in the submarine space. As well, Prime Minister Abbott called Australia a ‘strong ally’ of Japan. Yet, the prospect of a further strengthening of Australia–Japan defence relations has l…

  • Standing up to China

    Tim Huxley, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Survival•2015

    A strategic choice is fast approaching between accepting China's sub-regional hegemony and pushing back through strategies that would impose costs

  • The Taiwan Strait: Still Dangerous

    Sheryn Lee, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Survival•2013•Cited by: 2

    In recent years tensions across the Taiwan Strait have been overshadowed by fear of war on the Korean Peninsula. Commentators have even suggested that Taiwan's strategic relations with China have i

  • Strategic Vision: America and the Crisis of Global Power

    Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•The RUSI Journal•2012

    Additional informationNotes on contributorsBenjamin SchreerDr Benjamin Schreer is Deputy Head of the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre at the Australian National University in Canberra

  • More flexible, less coherent: Nato after Lisbon

    Timo Noetzel, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Australian Journal Of International…•2012•Cited by: 4•References: 3

    At its 2010 Lisbon summit, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) took significant steps towards becoming a modern alliance. In the face of a changing security environment and divergent strategic interests among 28 members, NATO adapted its strategic concept and reformed its way of formulating strategy. The new strategic concept advances conflict management as a core task for the alliance. In combination with a greater emphasis on developi…

  • Towards a 'post-American' alliance? Nato burden-sharing after Libya

    Open Access•Ellen Hallams, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•International Affairs•2012•Cited by: 7

    NATO's recent operation in Libya has been described by some commentators as reflecting a new burden-sharing model, with the US playing a more supportive role and European allies stepping up to provide the bulk of the air strikes. The US administration of President Barack Obama seemed to share this view and has made clear that post-Libya it continues to expect its allies to assume greater responsibility within the alliance. Moreover, unlike previo…

  • The Korean Crises and Sino-American Rivalry

    Benjamin Schreer, Brendan Taylor•ARTICLE•Survival•2011

    For much of the past two decades, America's approach toward the Asia-Pacific has been seen by many as highly disjointed, the product either of strategic inattention or the push and pull of US domes

  • Nato's Vietnam? Afghanistan and the Future of the Atlantic Alliance

    Timo Noetzel, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Arms Control•2009•Cited by: 3

    After the swift victory in conventional battle against Iraqi forces in March 2003, American forces fairly quickly encountered a growing insurgency movement which turned into an enormous political a

  • A New “pragmatism”: Germany's Nato Policy

    Open Access•Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•International Journal Canada s…•2009

    Recently, Germany's anglo-saxon allies, in particular, have begun to wonder about future role of Germany within Atlantic alliance. To some allies, Germany has even become the new eroding NATO and aiming to build a counterweight to U S -led transatlantic pillar.1 While such observations are widely off mark, it seems that Germany's recent NATO policy has indeed been characterized by increasing pragmatism. This pragmatism means that Germany perceive…

  • Does a multi-tier Nato matter? The Atlantic alliance and the process of strategic change

    Open Access•Timo Noetzel, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•International Affairs•2009•Cited by: 2

    This year NATO will celebrate its 60th anniversary. So far the world's most powerful military alliance has been a remarkable success story. However, as the first decade of the new century draws to a close there appears to be a widening strategic rift among the allies. ‘Two-tier NATO’ is by now an established piece of shorthand in international strategic debate to indicate an ‘alliance à la carte’ divided into two or more factions of member states…

  • All the way? The evolution of German military power

    Open Access•Timo Noetzel, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•International Affairs•2008•Cited by: 4•References: 5

    German strategic decision-makers have to reconsider their approach to the use of force. In Afghanistan, the Bundeswehr is faced with the challenge of a growing insurgency. This situation requires a willingness to provide combat forces for the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force. Hence, the conviction in German domestic politics that the Bundeswehr should only be employed for the purposes of stabilization and reconstruction is increas…

  • Towards a 'post-American' alliance? Nato burden-sharing after Libya

    Open Access•Ellen Hallams, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•International Affairs•2012•Cited by: 7

    NATO's recent operation in Libya has been described by some commentators as reflecting a new burden-sharing model, with the US playing a more supportive role and European allies stepping up to provide the bulk of the air strikes. The US administration of President Barack Obama seemed to share this view and has made clear that post-Libya it continues to expect its allies to assume greater responsibility within the alliance. Moreover, unlike previo…

  • More flexible, less coherent: Nato after Lisbon

    Timo Noetzel, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Australian Journal Of International…•2012•Cited by: 4•References: 3

    At its 2010 Lisbon summit, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) took significant steps towards becoming a modern alliance. In the face of a changing security environment and divergent strategic interests among 28 members, NATO adapted its strategic concept and reformed its way of formulating strategy. The new strategic concept advances conflict management as a core task for the alliance. In combination with a greater emphasis on developi…

  • All the way? The evolution of German military power

    Open Access•Timo Noetzel, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•International Affairs•2008•Cited by: 4•References: 5

    German strategic decision-makers have to reconsider their approach to the use of force. In Afghanistan, the Bundeswehr is faced with the challenge of a growing insurgency. This situation requires a willingness to provide combat forces for the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force. Hence, the conviction in German domestic politics that the Bundeswehr should only be employed for the purposes of stabilization and reconstruction is increas…

  • Finland, Sweden and Nato Membership

    William Alberque, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Survival•2022•Cited by: 3

    Russia’s war against Ukraine has suddenly made NATO membership for Finland and Sweden highly likely. It would end their long-standing postures of ‘armed neutrality’. Their accession would constitute a major shift in European security. Properly managed, it could produce a net benefit. Both nations would be security providers, with highly capable forces. They would make significant contributions to burden-sharing among the allies and enhance NATO’s…

  • Towards Contested 'Spheres of Influence' in the Western Pacific: Rising China, Classical Geopolitics, and Asia-Pacific Stability

    Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Geopolitics•2019•Cited by: 3

    The evolution of US-Sino great power competition in East Asia has emerged as a key geostrategic issue in international politics. A central question is whether the ‘geography of the peace’ will prevail where, despite their natural predisposition to compete for regional hegemony, the two great powers respect each other’s ‘spheres of influence’. This concept assumes that, as a major continental power, China remains preoccupied with securing its land…

  • Nato's Vietnam? Afghanistan and the Future of the Atlantic Alliance

    Timo Noetzel, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Arms Control•2009•Cited by: 3

    After the swift victory in conventional battle against Iraqi forces in March 2003, American forces fairly quickly encountered a growing insurgency movement which turned into an enormous political a

  • Countering China’s “United Front”

    Bates Gill, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•The Washington Quarterly•2018•Cited by: 2

    Concerns are mounting in Washington and other capitals around the globe about the negative aspects of China’s growing power and reach. Beyond pursuing economic and military competition, the Chinese

  • Australia and the Rules-Based Order in Asia

    Nick Bisley, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Asian Survey•2018•Cited by: 2

    In response to a more-contested Asia, Australia has placed the ‘rules-based order’ at the heart of its declaratory strategic policy. This move signals Australia’s commitment to this order, to its alliance with the United States, and to a more active strategic role in the region. However, a failure to match rhetoric with action risks undermining Australia’s strategic interests by emboldening China and reducing Australia’s value as an American ally

  • Australia's ‘special strategic relationship’ with Japan: Another ‘China choice’

    Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Australian Journal Of International…•2015•Cited by: 2•References: 6

    In July 2014, Australia's new Prime Minister, Tony Abbott, and his Japanese counterpart, Shinzō Abe, elevated the status of bilateral ties to a ‘special strategic relationship'. Both sides also agreed on intensifying their defence technology cooperation, including in the submarine space. As well, Prime Minister Abbott called Australia a ‘strong ally’ of Japan. Yet, the prospect of a further strengthening of Australia–Japan defence relations has l…

  • The Taiwan Strait: Still Dangerous

    Sheryn Lee, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Survival•2013•Cited by: 2

    In recent years tensions across the Taiwan Strait have been overshadowed by fear of war on the Korean Peninsula. Commentators have even suggested that Taiwan's strategic relations with China have i

  • Does a multi-tier Nato matter? The Atlantic alliance and the process of strategic change

    Open Access•Timo Noetzel, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•International Affairs•2009•Cited by: 2

    This year NATO will celebrate its 60th anniversary. So far the world's most powerful military alliance has been a remarkable success story. However, as the first decade of the new century draws to a close there appears to be a widening strategic rift among the allies. ‘Two-tier NATO’ is by now an established piece of shorthand in international strategic debate to indicate an ‘alliance à la carte’ divided into two or more factions of member states…

  • Will Europe Defend Taiwan

    Open Access•Sheryn Lee, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•The Washington Quarterly•2022•Cited by: 1

  • The Double‐Edged Sword of Coercion: Cross‐Strait Relations After the 2016 Taiwan Elections

    Open Access•Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Asian Politics & Policy•2017•Cited by: 1•References: 32

    Whereas “optimists” argue that military conflict in the Taiwan Strait has become increasingly unlikely, “pessimists” warn that conflict remains a real option. The landslide victory for the pro‐independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) of President Tsai Ing‐wen in the January 2016 presidential and legislative elections adds fire to the debate. The DPP win makes a peaceful unification on China's terms an ever‐distant prospect. Since the elect…

  • All the way? The evolution of German military power

    Open Access•Timo Noetzel, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•International Affairs•2008•Cited by: 4•References: 5

    German strategic decision-makers have to reconsider their approach to the use of force. In Afghanistan, the Bundeswehr is faced with the challenge of a growing insurgency. This situation requires a willingness to provide combat forces for the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force. Hence, the conviction in German domestic politics that the Bundeswehr should only be employed for the purposes of stabilization and reconstruction is increas…

  • Nato's Vietnam? Afghanistan and the Future of the Atlantic Alliance

    Timo Noetzel, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Arms Control•2009•Cited by: 3

    After the swift victory in conventional battle against Iraqi forces in March 2003, American forces fairly quickly encountered a growing insurgency movement which turned into an enormous political a

  • A New “pragmatism”: Germany's Nato Policy

    Open Access•Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•International Journal Canada s…•2009

    Recently, Germany's anglo-saxon allies, in particular, have begun to wonder about future role of Germany within Atlantic alliance. To some allies, Germany has even become the new eroding NATO and aiming to build a counterweight to U S -led transatlantic pillar.1 While such observations are widely off mark, it seems that Germany's recent NATO policy has indeed been characterized by increasing pragmatism. This pragmatism means that Germany perceive…

  • Does a multi-tier Nato matter? The Atlantic alliance and the process of strategic change

    Open Access•Timo Noetzel, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•International Affairs•2009•Cited by: 2

    This year NATO will celebrate its 60th anniversary. So far the world's most powerful military alliance has been a remarkable success story. However, as the first decade of the new century draws to a close there appears to be a widening strategic rift among the allies. ‘Two-tier NATO’ is by now an established piece of shorthand in international strategic debate to indicate an ‘alliance à la carte’ divided into two or more factions of member states…

  • The Korean Crises and Sino-American Rivalry

    Benjamin Schreer, Brendan Taylor•ARTICLE•Survival•2011

    For much of the past two decades, America's approach toward the Asia-Pacific has been seen by many as highly disjointed, the product either of strategic inattention or the push and pull of US domes

  • Strategic Vision: America and the Crisis of Global Power

    Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•The RUSI Journal•2012

    Additional informationNotes on contributorsBenjamin SchreerDr Benjamin Schreer is Deputy Head of the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre at the Australian National University in Canberra

  • More flexible, less coherent: Nato after Lisbon

    Timo Noetzel, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Australian Journal Of International…•2012•Cited by: 4•References: 3

    At its 2010 Lisbon summit, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) took significant steps towards becoming a modern alliance. In the face of a changing security environment and divergent strategic interests among 28 members, NATO adapted its strategic concept and reformed its way of formulating strategy. The new strategic concept advances conflict management as a core task for the alliance. In combination with a greater emphasis on developi…

  • Towards a 'post-American' alliance? Nato burden-sharing after Libya

    Open Access•Ellen Hallams, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•International Affairs•2012•Cited by: 7

    NATO's recent operation in Libya has been described by some commentators as reflecting a new burden-sharing model, with the US playing a more supportive role and European allies stepping up to provide the bulk of the air strikes. The US administration of President Barack Obama seemed to share this view and has made clear that post-Libya it continues to expect its allies to assume greater responsibility within the alliance. Moreover, unlike previo…

  • The Taiwan Strait: Still Dangerous

    Sheryn Lee, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Survival•2013•Cited by: 2

    In recent years tensions across the Taiwan Strait have been overshadowed by fear of war on the Korean Peninsula. Commentators have even suggested that Taiwan's strategic relations with China have i

  • Australia's ‘special strategic relationship’ with Japan: Another ‘China choice’

    Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Australian Journal Of International…•2015•Cited by: 2•References: 6

    In July 2014, Australia's new Prime Minister, Tony Abbott, and his Japanese counterpart, Shinzō Abe, elevated the status of bilateral ties to a ‘special strategic relationship'. Both sides also agreed on intensifying their defence technology cooperation, including in the submarine space. As well, Prime Minister Abbott called Australia a ‘strong ally’ of Japan. Yet, the prospect of a further strengthening of Australia–Japan defence relations has l…

  • Standing up to China

    Tim Huxley, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Survival•2015

    A strategic choice is fast approaching between accepting China's sub-regional hegemony and pushing back through strategies that would impose costs

  • Embracing the dragon? Europe’s major powers and the rise of China

    Benjamin Schreer, Yves‐heng Lim•ARTICLE•Global Affairs•2017•References: 1

    How have Europe’s major powers – the United Kingdom, France and Germany – responded to China’s growing assertiveness? The common view is that they continue a strategy of “engagement” towards Beijing. However, by tracing their respective patterns of “security alignment behaviour” towards the two rival great powers, the United States and China, we find that despite some variation each of the three powers has responded to China’s growing assertivene…

  • Trump’s Missing Asia Strategy

    Tim Huxley, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Survival•2017

    Mixed messaging and the doctrine of ‘America First’ are generating scepticism and anxiety among America’s allies and partners in the Asia-Pacific

  • The Double‐Edged Sword of Coercion: Cross‐Strait Relations After the 2016 Taiwan Elections

    Open Access•Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Asian Politics & Policy•2017•Cited by: 1•References: 32

    Whereas “optimists” argue that military conflict in the Taiwan Strait has become increasingly unlikely, “pessimists” warn that conflict remains a real option. The landslide victory for the pro‐independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) of President Tsai Ing‐wen in the January 2016 presidential and legislative elections adds fire to the debate. The DPP win makes a peaceful unification on China's terms an ever‐distant prospect. Since the elect…

  • Countering China’s “United Front”

    Bates Gill, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•The Washington Quarterly•2018•Cited by: 2

    Concerns are mounting in Washington and other capitals around the globe about the negative aspects of China’s growing power and reach. Beyond pursuing economic and military competition, the Chinese

  • Australia and the Rules-Based Order in Asia

    Nick Bisley, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Asian Survey•2018•Cited by: 2

    In response to a more-contested Asia, Australia has placed the ‘rules-based order’ at the heart of its declaratory strategic policy. This move signals Australia’s commitment to this order, to its alliance with the United States, and to a more active strategic role in the region. However, a failure to match rhetoric with action risks undermining Australia’s strategic interests by emboldening China and reducing Australia’s value as an American ally

  • Why US-Sino strategic competition is good for Australia

    Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Australian Journal Of International…•2019•References: 3

    Faced with an increasingly authoritarian and assertive China, the United States (US) under President Trump administration’s has embarked on a course toward a more openly competitive US–China relationship. However, the debate in Australia has viewed the new era of US-Sino strategic competition mostly negatively. Indeed, arguments have been made for a need to ‘radically’ rethink Australia’s defence policy in order to prepare for a ‘post-US-led’ reg…

  • Terrorism and Insurgency in Asia

    Benjamin Schreer, Andrew T H Tan•BOOK•Terrorism and Insurgency in Asia•2019

  • Towards Contested 'Spheres of Influence' in the Western Pacific: Rising China, Classical Geopolitics, and Asia-Pacific Stability

    Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Geopolitics•2019•Cited by: 3

    The evolution of US-Sino great power competition in East Asia has emerged as a key geostrategic issue in international politics. A central question is whether the ‘geography of the peace’ will prevail where, despite their natural predisposition to compete for regional hegemony, the two great powers respect each other’s ‘spheres of influence’. This concept assumes that, as a major continental power, China remains preoccupied with securing its land…

  • After the INF: What Will US Indo-Pacific Allies Do

    Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•The Washington Quarterly•2020

    On August 2, 2019, the United States formally left the 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty—which prohibited the United States and the Russian Federation from deploying ground-based

  • Taiwan Issue: Problems and Prospects

    Benjamin Schreer, Andrew T H Tan•BOOK•Taiwan Issue•2021

  • Will Europe Defend Taiwan

    Open Access•Sheryn Lee, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•The Washington Quarterly•2022•Cited by: 1

  • A geopolitical and geostrategic blueprint for Nato’s China challenge

    Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Comparative Strategy•2022

    How will the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) respond to China’s rise? At the heart of NATO’s China challenge is the need for allies to grasp the magnitude of Beijing’s emerging geopolitical challenge to the Euro-Atlantic area. Utilizing geopolitical theories developed by Halford Mackinder and Nicholas Spykman, the article argues that China is evolving into a transatlantic challenge on the Eurasian “maritime periphery.” Consequently, NAT…

  • Finland, Sweden and Nato Membership

    William Alberque, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Survival•2022•Cited by: 3

    Russia’s war against Ukraine has suddenly made NATO membership for Finland and Sweden highly likely. It would end their long-standing postures of ‘armed neutrality’. Their accession would constitute a major shift in European security. Properly managed, it could produce a net benefit. Both nations would be security providers, with highly capable forces. They would make significant contributions to burden-sharing among the allies and enhance NATO’s…

  • What Kind of Nato Allies Will Finland and Sweden Be

    William Alberque, Benjamin Schreer•ARTICLE•Survival•2022

    Barring a Turkish veto, Finland and Sweden will join NATO as full members prior to the Alliance’s Vilnius Summit in June 2023. Both confront several political, military and defence-industrial choices regarding their membership, with different benefits and opportunity costs for each country and the Alliance depending on whether they select a low, medium or high level of ambition. Both are likely to adopt a medium level of ambition, opening up a ra…

Political science (23 works) · Law (18 works) · International Relations and Foreign Policy (15 works) · Law (15 works) · Political economy (13 works) · Economics (12 works) · Politics (11 works) · China (10 works) · Alliance (8 works) · Sociology (8 works)

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