Miki Obata
Biographic Data
| ID | 1017695 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Miki Obata |
| GIVEN NAMES | Miki |
| FAMILY NAME | Obata |
| SIGNATURE | OBATA M |
| AFFILIATIONS | Mie University |
| VERIFIED | No |
| TOTAL WORKS | 3 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 16 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 3 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2011 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2024 |
| H-INDEX | 2 |
Rule ordering is free
This paper examines Bošković’s (2014) idea that extraction out of an ellipsis site is impossible when a phase is elided. One of the empirical problems with this analysis is that there is a case, pointed out in Takahashi (2020), where focus movement out of an elided CP (a phase) is possible in Japanese. By reformulating Bošković’s (2014) system in terms of Obata, Epstein and Baptista’s (2015) view that that ordering of rule-application is underspe…
Can crosslinguistically variant grammars be formally identical? Third factor underspecification and the possible elimination of parameters of UG
Feature-Splitting Internal Merge
A central goal of this paper is to present a new account of improper-movement phenomena based on Chomsky's (2007, 2008) phase-based derivational approach. We claim that improper movement is excluded by virtue of Agree failure between a moving element and a finite T as a consequence of "feature-splitting" Internal Merge, which we argue is the most (or at least a very) natural implementation of Chomsky's φ-feature-inheritance system and Richards's …
Feature-Splitting Internal Merge
A central goal of this paper is to present a new account of improper-movement phenomena based on Chomsky's (2007, 2008) phase-based derivational approach. We claim that improper movement is excluded by virtue of Agree failure between a moving element and a finite T as a consequence of "feature-splitting" Internal Merge, which we argue is the most (or at least a very) natural implementation of Chomsky's φ-feature-inheritance system and Richards's …
Can crosslinguistically variant grammars be formally identical? Third factor underspecification and the possible elimination of parameters of UG
Feature-Splitting Internal Merge
A central goal of this paper is to present a new account of improper-movement phenomena based on Chomsky's (2007, 2008) phase-based derivational approach. We claim that improper movement is excluded by virtue of Agree failure between a moving element and a finite T as a consequence of "feature-splitting" Internal Merge, which we argue is the most (or at least a very) natural implementation of Chomsky's φ-feature-inheritance system and Richards's …
Can crosslinguistically variant grammars be formally identical? Third factor underspecification and the possible elimination of parameters of UG
Rule ordering is free
This paper examines Bošković’s (2014) idea that extraction out of an ellipsis site is impossible when a phase is elided. One of the empirical problems with this analysis is that there is a case, pointed out in Takahashi (2020), where focus movement out of an elided CP (a phase) is possible in Japanese. By reformulating Bošković’s (2014) system in terms of Obata, Epstein and Baptista’s (2015) view that that ordering of rule-application is underspe…
Artificial Intelligence (3 works) · Computer Science (3 works) · Linguistics (3 works) · Philosophy (3 works) · Generative grammar (2 works) · Mathematics (2 works) · Minimalist program (2 works) · Philosophy (2 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (2 works) · Algorithm (1 work)