Lefteris Paparounas
Biographic Data
| ID | 1022419 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Lefteris Paparounas |
| GIVEN NAMES | Lefteris |
| FAMILY NAME | Paparounas |
| SIGNATURE | PAPAROUNAS L |
| AFFILIATIONS | California University of Pennsylvania |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-9599-4404 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 7 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 7 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 7 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2020 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2024 |
| H-INDEX | 2 |
Anaphora and agreement in the Turkish DP
Whether the operation Agree should be taken to underlie anaphoric binding has been the topic of much recent debate. In this paper, we provide a novel empirical argument in favor of the role of φ -features and Agree in binding. The argument revolves around the intimate relationship between agreement and anaphora in the Turkish nominal domain, where certain complex pronominals can agree only if they locally bind an anaphor or bound pronoun. We argu…
First conjunct clitic doubling in Modern Greek
We investigate the syntax of the hitherto understudied phenomenon of first conjunct clitic doubling, with reference to Modern Greek. We argue that it provides crucial evidence against movement-based approaches to clitic doubling, which would incorrectly rule out first conjunct clitic doubling as a violation of the Coordinate Structure Constraint. This argument against movement is complemented by evidence from binding, showing that doubled DPs con…
Visibility and Intervention in Allomorphy
An often discussed dimension of the locality conditions on allomorphy is visibility: when do the trigger and target of allomorphy “see” each other? An equally important dimension is intervention: when do the trigger and target stop seeing each other? Through the lens of a detailed analysis of Greek verbal morphology, I examine the conditions under which intervention forces the insertion of a default exponent. On the basis of two case studies on a…
The syntax of Greek split reciprocals
We provide the first detailed description and analysis of the syntax of the understudied Greek split reciprocal reconstruction. As in other languages, the reciprocal appears to be bipartite consisting of a quantificational distributor ('the one') and a reciprocator ('the other'). We show that, in Greek, this bipartiteness runs deep: the two parts are syntactically independent, with the reciprocator having the syntax of a Condition A anaphor, and …
First Conjunct Clitic Doubling, the Person Case Constraint, and First Conjunct Agreement
In this paper, we discuss the implications of the phenomenon of first conjunct clitic doubling (FC CLD), based on data from Modern Greek. We first recap the arguments in Paparounas & Salzmann (to appear), where it is argued that FC CLD provides evidence for Agree-based approaches to clitic doubling (CLD) and against approaches involving movement, which would incorrectly rule out FC CLD as a violation of the Coordinate Structure Constraint. Extend…
Default by intervention
An often discussed dimension of the locality conditions on allomorphy is visibility: when do the trigger and target of allomorphy ‘see’ each other? An equally important dimension is intervention: when do the trigger and target stop seeing each other? This paper offers two case studies on intervention from Modern Greek verbal morphology. In Greek, Agr is sensitive to the features of Voice, and T is sometimes sensitive to the identity of the root; …
The Anaphor Agreement Effect in the nominal domain
We examine a set of agreement asymmetries in the Turkish nominal domain, motivating two core generalizations. Firstly, the assignment of genitive case yields an opacifying effect, making certain large nominals, but not pronouns, into domains inaccessible for agreement. Secondly, this opacifying effect is overridden in cases of binding: if an element that normally fails to agree acts as a binder, it can exceptionally participate in an agreement re…
Anaphora and agreement in the Turkish DP
Whether the operation Agree should be taken to underlie anaphoric binding has been the topic of much recent debate. In this paper, we provide a novel empirical argument in favor of the role of φ -features and Agree in binding. The argument revolves around the intimate relationship between agreement and anaphora in the Turkish nominal domain, where certain complex pronominals can agree only if they locally bind an anaphor or bound pronoun. We argu…
First conjunct clitic doubling in Modern Greek
We investigate the syntax of the hitherto understudied phenomenon of first conjunct clitic doubling, with reference to Modern Greek. We argue that it provides crucial evidence against movement-based approaches to clitic doubling, which would incorrectly rule out first conjunct clitic doubling as a violation of the Coordinate Structure Constraint. This argument against movement is complemented by evidence from binding, showing that doubled DPs con…
The syntax of Greek split reciprocals
We provide the first detailed description and analysis of the syntax of the understudied Greek split reciprocal reconstruction. As in other languages, the reciprocal appears to be bipartite consisting of a quantificational distributor ('the one') and a reciprocator ('the other'). We show that, in Greek, this bipartiteness runs deep: the two parts are syntactically independent, with the reciprocator having the syntax of a Condition A anaphor, and …
The Anaphor Agreement Effect in the nominal domain
We examine a set of agreement asymmetries in the Turkish nominal domain, motivating two core generalizations. Firstly, the assignment of genitive case yields an opacifying effect, making certain large nominals, but not pronouns, into domains inaccessible for agreement. Secondly, this opacifying effect is overridden in cases of binding: if an element that normally fails to agree acts as a binder, it can exceptionally participate in an agreement re…
Default by intervention
An often discussed dimension of the locality conditions on allomorphy is visibility: when do the trigger and target of allomorphy ‘see’ each other? An equally important dimension is intervention: when do the trigger and target stop seeing each other? This paper offers two case studies on intervention from Modern Greek verbal morphology. In Greek, Agr is sensitive to the features of Voice, and T is sometimes sensitive to the identity of the root; …
First Conjunct Clitic Doubling, the Person Case Constraint, and First Conjunct Agreement
In this paper, we discuss the implications of the phenomenon of first conjunct clitic doubling (FC CLD), based on data from Modern Greek. We first recap the arguments in Paparounas & Salzmann (to appear), where it is argued that FC CLD provides evidence for Agree-based approaches to clitic doubling (CLD) and against approaches involving movement, which would incorrectly rule out FC CLD as a violation of the Coordinate Structure Constraint. Extend…
Anaphora and agreement in the Turkish DP
Whether the operation Agree should be taken to underlie anaphoric binding has been the topic of much recent debate. In this paper, we provide a novel empirical argument in favor of the role of φ -features and Agree in binding. The argument revolves around the intimate relationship between agreement and anaphora in the Turkish nominal domain, where certain complex pronominals can agree only if they locally bind an anaphor or bound pronoun. We argu…
First conjunct clitic doubling in Modern Greek
We investigate the syntax of the hitherto understudied phenomenon of first conjunct clitic doubling, with reference to Modern Greek. We argue that it provides crucial evidence against movement-based approaches to clitic doubling, which would incorrectly rule out first conjunct clitic doubling as a violation of the Coordinate Structure Constraint. This argument against movement is complemented by evidence from binding, showing that doubled DPs con…
Visibility and Intervention in Allomorphy
An often discussed dimension of the locality conditions on allomorphy is visibility: when do the trigger and target of allomorphy “see” each other? An equally important dimension is intervention: when do the trigger and target stop seeing each other? Through the lens of a detailed analysis of Greek verbal morphology, I examine the conditions under which intervention forces the insertion of a default exponent. On the basis of two case studies on a…
The syntax of Greek split reciprocals
We provide the first detailed description and analysis of the syntax of the understudied Greek split reciprocal reconstruction. As in other languages, the reciprocal appears to be bipartite consisting of a quantificational distributor ('the one') and a reciprocator ('the other'). We show that, in Greek, this bipartiteness runs deep: the two parts are syntactically independent, with the reciprocator having the syntax of a Condition A anaphor, and …
Linguistics (7 works) · Philosophy (7 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (7 works) · Computer Science (5 works) · Mathematics (5 works) · Language, Discourse, Communication Strategies (4 works) · Agreement (3 works) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (3 works) · Allomorph (2 works) · Clitic (2 works)