Juliana De La Mora
Biographic Data
| ID | 1030565 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Juliana De La Mora |
| GIVEN NAMES | Juliana |
| FAMILY NAME | De La Mora |
| SIGNATURE | DE LA MORA J |
| AFFILIATIONS | Autonomous University of Queretaro |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-4674-1854 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 6 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 14 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 6 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2014 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 1 |
‘Ya ves que’—You See That
In the pragmaticalization of ya ves que... ‘you see that...’, the perceptual basis of the verb becomes diluted, keeping its deictic profile. Most of its pragmatic values extend to non-perceptual phenomena, implying shared knowledge. Further extensions involve bleaching the concrete referent into abstract shared information in the form of (i) first and second-hand evidentials: shared and alien facts presented as familiar; (ii) mitigators: small ap…
Semantic persistence in Spanish temporal constructions
In Spanish, the verbs llevar and tener variably occur in durative temporal constructions, as in “ llevo dos años cantando ” and “ tengo dos años cantando .” Despite occurring in functionally equivalent contexts, the distinct semantic origin of the verbs – llevar encoding movement, direction, and causativity, and tener being a prototypical possession verb– makes these constructions an ideal locus to examine how the persistence of core semantic pro…
Según Along Time
This paper attempts to show that según has developed not only evidential reportative functions, but also a set of meanings that move towards the dominion of epistemicity. Diachronic analysis, shows that the original meaning of según (Lat. secundare ‘to second, to follow’) gradually moves towards evidential domains. A synchronic analysis of written and oral contemporary Spanish, shows an increase on reportative uses in both registers. Epistemic me…
Null Subject Occurrence in Monolingual Spanish SLI
Background: Child Spanish-speakers appear to use more null subjects than do adults. Null subject use, like the use of tense marking, is sensitive to discourse-pragmatics. Because tense marking has been used to identify child Spanish-speakers with specific language impairment (SLI) with near good sensitivity and specificity (89%), null subject use may as well, following the predictions of the Interface Deficit Hypothesis. We investigate the possib…
Dizque
Evidence of optional infinitive verbs in the spontaneous speech of Spanish-speaking children with SLI
Evidence of optional infinitive verbs in the spontaneous speech of Spanish-speaking children with SLI
Dizque
Según Along Time
This paper attempts to show that según has developed not only evidential reportative functions, but also a set of meanings that move towards the dominion of epistemicity. Diachronic analysis, shows that the original meaning of según (Lat. secundare ‘to second, to follow’) gradually moves towards evidential domains. A synchronic analysis of written and oral contemporary Spanish, shows an increase on reportative uses in both registers. Epistemic me…
Null Subject Occurrence in Monolingual Spanish SLI
Background: Child Spanish-speakers appear to use more null subjects than do adults. Null subject use, like the use of tense marking, is sensitive to discourse-pragmatics. Because tense marking has been used to identify child Spanish-speakers with specific language impairment (SLI) with near good sensitivity and specificity (89%), null subject use may as well, following the predictions of the Interface Deficit Hypothesis. We investigate the possib…
Semantic persistence in Spanish temporal constructions
In Spanish, the verbs llevar and tener variably occur in durative temporal constructions, as in “ llevo dos años cantando ” and “ tengo dos años cantando .” Despite occurring in functionally equivalent contexts, the distinct semantic origin of the verbs – llevar encoding movement, direction, and causativity, and tener being a prototypical possession verb– makes these constructions an ideal locus to examine how the persistence of core semantic pro…
‘Ya ves que’—You See That
In the pragmaticalization of ya ves que... ‘you see that...’, the perceptual basis of the verb becomes diluted, keeping its deictic profile. Most of its pragmatic values extend to non-perceptual phenomena, implying shared knowledge. Further extensions involve bleaching the concrete referent into abstract shared information in the form of (i) first and second-hand evidentials: shared and alien facts presented as familiar; (ii) mitigators: small ap…
Linguistics (4 works) · Philosophy (4 works) · Computer Science (3 works) · Philosophy (3 works) · Psychology (3 works) · Cultural and political discourse analysis (2 works) · Epistemology (2 works) · History (2 works) · Language Development and Disorders (2 works) · Mathematics (2 works)