Dmitri Trenin
Biographic Data
| ID | 1098319 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Dmitri Trenin |
| GIVEN NAMES | Dmitri |
| FAMILY NAME | Trenin |
| SIGNATURE | TRENIN D |
| AFFILIATIONS | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace |
| VERIFIED | No |
| TOTAL WORKS | 21 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 41 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 21 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1997 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2020 |
| H-INDEX | 3 |
Stability amid Strategic Deregulation
That nuclear arms control is on the way out is no news. The unraveling of its Cold War-era architecture started almost two decades ago, when US President George W. Bush welcomed Vladimir Putin to h
Towards a New Model for US– Russian Relations
The future is going to be a mixture of competition and cooperation, mainly competition, with much of the cooperation aimed at managing it
Moscow on the Pacific
Even as the Obama administration has pivoted toward the Asia-Pacific region, so has the Kremlin
Russia's Post-Imperial Condition
Focused mainly on itself, and trying to avoid being dominated by any other countries, Moscow is striving to reconstitute itself as a great power
Post-Imperium
Russia's Restless Frontier
How to Bury the Cold War
Building a stable European security architecture requires that the use of force between Russia and its neighbors or NATO be removed from the strategic equation
Nato and Russia
The Western alliance has no reason to fear its members' ‘defecting’ to Moscow, and it has every reason to engage with the Russians on common security concerns
Russia's Spheres of Interest , not Influence
In the aftermath of the 2008 Georgian war, President Dmitri Medvedev, setting out Russia's foreign policy principles, spoke about the country's spheres of “privileged interests” and the government
Where US and Russian Interests Overlap
Why is it that all recent Russian leaders have started out as friends of the United States, wishing to be embraced as allies, but after a while have become disillusioned
A Less Ideological America
Additional informationNotes on contributorsDmitri TreninDmitri Trenin is deputy director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, chair of the center's Foreign and Security Policy Program, and a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. He may be reached at [email protected]
The Legacy of Vladimir Putin
Russia Redefines Itself and Its Relations with the West
From Moscowâ s perspective, Russian-Western relations are competitive but not antagonistic. Russia does not crave world domination, and its leaders do not dream of restoring the Soviet Union, but they do plan to rebuild Russia as a great power with global reach, organized as a supercorporation
Russia Leaves the West
As PRESIDENT Vladimir Putin prepares to host the summit of the G-8 (the group of eight highly industrialized nations) in St. Petersburg in July, it is hardly a secret that relations between Russia and the West have begun to fray. After more than a decade of talk about Russia's integration into the West and a strategic partnership between Moscow and Washington, U.S. and European officials are now publicly voicing their concern over Russia's domest…
Russia and global security norms
Russia's attitude toward weapons of mass destruction, particularly nuclear proliferation, activities in the field of arms transfers, and its role in its post‐Soviet neighborhood, will largely define Russia's international position in the beginning of this century
Russia's Restless Frontier
The conflict in Chechnya, going through its low- and high-intensity phases, has been doggedly accompanying Russia's development. In the last decade, the Chechen war was widely covered, both in Russia and in the West. While most books look at the causes of the war, explain its zigzag course, and condemn the brutalities and crimes associated with it, this book is different. Its focus lies beyond the Caucasus battlefield. In Russia's Restless Fronti…
The End of Eurasia
Less is more
What is most troubling for the Kremlin is not the tough tone Washington has taken, but the symbolic and real downgrading of Russia's importance. Overall, what Russia wants is treatment as a coequal and less, not more, from the United States
Russia and the Emerging Security Environment in Northeast Asia
Mezhdunarodnaya Zhizn
Developing Nato‐Russian relations
The End of Eurasia
Russia Leaves the West
As PRESIDENT Vladimir Putin prepares to host the summit of the G-8 (the group of eight highly industrialized nations) in St. Petersburg in July, it is hardly a secret that relations between Russia and the West have begun to fray. After more than a decade of talk about Russia's integration into the West and a strategic partnership between Moscow and Washington, U.S. and European officials are now publicly voicing their concern over Russia's domest…
Russia's Spheres of Interest , not Influence
In the aftermath of the 2008 Georgian war, President Dmitri Medvedev, setting out Russia's foreign policy principles, spoke about the country's spheres of “privileged interests” and the government
Less is more
What is most troubling for the Kremlin is not the tough tone Washington has taken, but the symbolic and real downgrading of Russia's importance. Overall, what Russia wants is treatment as a coequal and less, not more, from the United States
Russia and the Emerging Security Environment in Northeast Asia
Towards a New Model for US– Russian Relations
The future is going to be a mixture of competition and cooperation, mainly competition, with much of the cooperation aimed at managing it
Russia Redefines Itself and Its Relations with the West
From Moscowâ s perspective, Russian-Western relations are competitive but not antagonistic. Russia does not crave world domination, and its leaders do not dream of restoring the Soviet Union, but they do plan to rebuild Russia as a great power with global reach, organized as a supercorporation
Developing Nato‐Russian relations
Developing Nato‐Russian relations
Russia and the Emerging Security Environment in Northeast Asia
Mezhdunarodnaya Zhizn
Less is more
What is most troubling for the Kremlin is not the tough tone Washington has taken, but the symbolic and real downgrading of Russia's importance. Overall, what Russia wants is treatment as a coequal and less, not more, from the United States
The End of Eurasia
Russia and global security norms
Russia's attitude toward weapons of mass destruction, particularly nuclear proliferation, activities in the field of arms transfers, and its role in its post‐Soviet neighborhood, will largely define Russia's international position in the beginning of this century
Russia's Restless Frontier
The conflict in Chechnya, going through its low- and high-intensity phases, has been doggedly accompanying Russia's development. In the last decade, the Chechen war was widely covered, both in Russia and in the West. While most books look at the causes of the war, explain its zigzag course, and condemn the brutalities and crimes associated with it, this book is different. Its focus lies beyond the Caucasus battlefield. In Russia's Restless Fronti…
Russia Leaves the West
As PRESIDENT Vladimir Putin prepares to host the summit of the G-8 (the group of eight highly industrialized nations) in St. Petersburg in July, it is hardly a secret that relations between Russia and the West have begun to fray. After more than a decade of talk about Russia's integration into the West and a strategic partnership between Moscow and Washington, U.S. and European officials are now publicly voicing their concern over Russia's domest…
The Legacy of Vladimir Putin
Russia Redefines Itself and Its Relations with the West
From Moscowâ s perspective, Russian-Western relations are competitive but not antagonistic. Russia does not crave world domination, and its leaders do not dream of restoring the Soviet Union, but they do plan to rebuild Russia as a great power with global reach, organized as a supercorporation
Where US and Russian Interests Overlap
Why is it that all recent Russian leaders have started out as friends of the United States, wishing to be embraced as allies, but after a while have become disillusioned
A Less Ideological America
Additional informationNotes on contributorsDmitri TreninDmitri Trenin is deputy director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, chair of the center's Foreign and Security Policy Program, and a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. He may be reached at [email protected]
Nato and Russia
The Western alliance has no reason to fear its members' ‘defecting’ to Moscow, and it has every reason to engage with the Russians on common security concerns
Russia's Spheres of Interest , not Influence
In the aftermath of the 2008 Georgian war, President Dmitri Medvedev, setting out Russia's foreign policy principles, spoke about the country's spheres of “privileged interests” and the government
Russia's Restless Frontier
How to Bury the Cold War
Building a stable European security architecture requires that the use of force between Russia and its neighbors or NATO be removed from the strategic equation
Russia's Post-Imperial Condition
Focused mainly on itself, and trying to avoid being dominated by any other countries, Moscow is striving to reconstitute itself as a great power
Post-Imperium
Moscow on the Pacific
Even as the Obama administration has pivoted toward the Asia-Pacific region, so has the Kremlin
Stability amid Strategic Deregulation
That nuclear arms control is on the way out is no news. The unraveling of its Cold War-era architecture started almost two decades ago, when US President George W. Bush welcomed Vladimir Putin to h
Towards a New Model for US– Russian Relations
The future is going to be a mixture of competition and cooperation, mainly competition, with much of the cooperation aimed at managing it
Political science (20 works) · Law (11 works) · Russia and Soviet political economy (10 works) · Economics (9 works) · International Relations and Foreign Policy (7 works) · Law (7 works) · European and Russian Geopolitical Military Strategies (6 works) · Geography (5 works) · History (5 works) · Post-Soviet Geopolitical Dynamics (5 works)