Harold W Stanley
Biographic Data
| ID | 1102671 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Harold W Stanley |
| GIVEN NAMES | Harold W |
| FAMILY NAME | Stanley |
| SIGNATURE | STANLEY H W |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Rochester |
| VERIFIED | No |
| TOTAL WORKS | 14 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 305 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 14 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1984 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2006 |
| H-INDEX | 9 |
Partisanship, Party Coalitions, and Group Support, 1952‐2004
Recent changes in partisan support suggest the beginning of a new group basis for the party coalitions. For the Republicans, the changes define group support more sharply than has been the case for many years—a combination of southern whites and a strong religious base of Catholics, regular church‐goers, and Protestant fundamentalists. For Democrats, the changes are defined in terms of losses—of Catholic, union household, and regular church‐going…
Class, Party, and South/Non-South Differences: An Update
This article examines the past 50 years to update an analysis of the relationship between income and partisanship. Earlier, Nadeau and Stanley noted that therewas a change in partisanship in the South from inverse class polarization, in which higher income individuals more often identified with the Democratic Party, to normal class polarization, but the permanence of the shiftwas open to question. Now, with a longer time perspective and even grea…
State Economies and State Taxes: Do Voters Hold Governors Accountable
Theory: States have sufficient autonomy in the policies they adopt that voters hold state officials partly responsible for the condition of the state economy. As the best known state official, elected by a statewide constituency, governors in particular are held accountable for the economic performance of their states. With respect to taxes, the clear locus of responsibility in state actions and the high visibility of certain taxes suggest that g…
Class Polarization in Partisanship among Native Southern Whites, 1952-90
Multivariate analyses of National Elections Studies data reveal that class-based partisanship of native southern whites, absent or inverted in the past, has surfaced in the past 15 years. In the 1950s, the higher the status of a native southern white, the more likely the individual was to identify as a Democrat. No clear class basis for partisanship prevailed in the 1960s and early 1970s. Since the mid-1970s, class polarization typical of the res…
The transformation of the new deal party system: Social groups, political ideology, and changing partisanship among northern whites, 1972?1988
Voter Mobilization and the Politics of Race: The South and Universal Suffrage, 1952-1984
Super Tuesday 1988: Regional Results and National Implications
Fourteen southern and border states established a same-day presidential primary on 8 March 1988. This analysis shows that this Super Tuesday, in several senses, was less than super. The results turned out to be less satisfying than its Democratic founders preferred but less upsetting than its critics anticipated. Despite Super Tuesday, Iowa and New Hampshire remained dominant in the 1988 presidential primaries. Although voter turnout increased sl…
Southern Partisan Changes: Dealignment, Realignment or Both
This paper draws on presidential and congressional surveys between 1952 and 1984 in order to survey the extent of southern partisan changes and to evaluate the electoral evidence for realignment or dealignment. The partisan balance in the South has shifted in recent years, but no consensus exists about whether these changes constitute realignment or dealignment. Native southern whites--both young and old--have accounted for the largest share of t…
Minority Vote Dilution
The Southern Presidential Primary: Regional Intentions With National Implications
Fifteen southern and border states have decided to hold presidential primaries around the second Tuesday in March 1988. Democratic party reformers have backed this regional primary in hopes that it will advantage politically moderate candidates for the presidency. This article discusses how enactment of the southern primary came about and why this reform seems unlikely to achieve the intentions of the reformers. Four major criticisms of the refor…
Partisanship and Group Support Over Time: A Multivariate Analysis
We propose measuring group support for political parties by means of multivariate techniques that have become standard in other areas of political behavior. This approach yields improved insights into the marginal difference made by membership in each group and into the nature of a party's support coalition. As an example of this approach, we analyze the Democratic coalition since 1952. Our results differ from those of previous studies in a numbe…
The Runoff: The Case for Retention
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Testing the Converse Partisanship Model with New Electorates
Converse proposed a model drawing on an individual's experience with the vote and socialization by the father to explain the strength of political partisanship. This experience-based model, despite varied criticisms, has gained wide acceptance. By focusing on cases in which political experience and age are not collinear, this article finds that the Converse model fails to account for the strength of partisanship found among new electorates, there…
Age and Turnout Among the Newly Enfranchised: Life Cycle versus Experience Effects
Through comparison of the relationship between age and voter turnout in new and established electorates, this article tests life cycle versus experience‐related explanations of political participation. The relationship between age and turnout for the newly enfranchised should resemble that for the previously enfranchised if life cycle forces dominate: turnout increasing with age until peaking in the middle years, then declining with old age. If e…
State Economies and State Taxes: Do Voters Hold Governors Accountable
Theory: States have sufficient autonomy in the policies they adopt that voters hold state officials partly responsible for the condition of the state economy. As the best known state official, elected by a statewide constituency, governors in particular are held accountable for the economic performance of their states. With respect to taxes, the clear locus of responsibility in state actions and the high visibility of certain taxes suggest that g…
Southern Partisan Changes: Dealignment, Realignment or Both
This paper draws on presidential and congressional surveys between 1952 and 1984 in order to survey the extent of southern partisan changes and to evaluate the electoral evidence for realignment or dealignment. The partisan balance in the South has shifted in recent years, but no consensus exists about whether these changes constitute realignment or dealignment. Native southern whites--both young and old--have accounted for the largest share of t…
Partisanship and Group Support Over Time: A Multivariate Analysis
We propose measuring group support for political parties by means of multivariate techniques that have become standard in other areas of political behavior. This approach yields improved insights into the marginal difference made by membership in each group and into the nature of a party's support coalition. As an example of this approach, we analyze the Democratic coalition since 1952. Our results differ from those of previous studies in a numbe…
The transformation of the new deal party system: Social groups, political ideology, and changing partisanship among northern whites, 1972?1988
Testing the Converse Partisanship Model with New Electorates
Converse proposed a model drawing on an individual's experience with the vote and socialization by the father to explain the strength of political partisanship. This experience-based model, despite varied criticisms, has gained wide acceptance. By focusing on cases in which political experience and age are not collinear, this article finds that the Converse model fails to account for the strength of partisanship found among new electorates, there…
Class Polarization in Partisanship among Native Southern Whites, 1952-90
Multivariate analyses of National Elections Studies data reveal that class-based partisanship of native southern whites, absent or inverted in the past, has surfaced in the past 15 years. In the 1950s, the higher the status of a native southern white, the more likely the individual was to identify as a Democrat. No clear class basis for partisanship prevailed in the 1960s and early 1970s. Since the mid-1970s, class polarization typical of the res…
Age and Turnout Among the Newly Enfranchised: Life Cycle versus Experience Effects
Through comparison of the relationship between age and voter turnout in new and established electorates, this article tests life cycle versus experience‐related explanations of political participation. The relationship between age and turnout for the newly enfranchised should resemble that for the previously enfranchised if life cycle forces dominate: turnout increasing with age until peaking in the middle years, then declining with old age. If e…
Partisanship, Party Coalitions, and Group Support, 1952‐2004
Recent changes in partisan support suggest the beginning of a new group basis for the party coalitions. For the Republicans, the changes define group support more sharply than has been the case for many years—a combination of southern whites and a strong religious base of Catholics, regular church‐goers, and Protestant fundamentalists. For Democrats, the changes are defined in terms of losses—of Catholic, union household, and regular church‐going…
Class, Party, and South/Non-South Differences: An Update
This article examines the past 50 years to update an analysis of the relationship between income and partisanship. Earlier, Nadeau and Stanley noted that therewas a change in partisanship in the South from inverse class polarization, in which higher income individuals more often identified with the Democratic Party, to normal class polarization, but the permanence of the shiftwas open to question. Now, with a longer time perspective and even grea…
Super Tuesday 1988: Regional Results and National Implications
Fourteen southern and border states established a same-day presidential primary on 8 March 1988. This analysis shows that this Super Tuesday, in several senses, was less than super. The results turned out to be less satisfying than its Democratic founders preferred but less upsetting than its critics anticipated. Despite Super Tuesday, Iowa and New Hampshire remained dominant in the 1988 presidential primaries. Although voter turnout increased sl…
The Southern Presidential Primary: Regional Intentions With National Implications
Fifteen southern and border states have decided to hold presidential primaries around the second Tuesday in March 1988. Democratic party reformers have backed this regional primary in hopes that it will advantage politically moderate candidates for the presidency. This article discusses how enactment of the southern primary came about and why this reform seems unlikely to achieve the intentions of the reformers. Four major criticisms of the refor…
The Runoff: The Case for Retention
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Age and Turnout Among the Newly Enfranchised: Life Cycle versus Experience Effects
Through comparison of the relationship between age and voter turnout in new and established electorates, this article tests life cycle versus experience‐related explanations of political participation. The relationship between age and turnout for the newly enfranchised should resemble that for the previously enfranchised if life cycle forces dominate: turnout increasing with age until peaking in the middle years, then declining with old age. If e…
The Runoff: The Case for Retention
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Testing the Converse Partisanship Model with New Electorates
Converse proposed a model drawing on an individual's experience with the vote and socialization by the father to explain the strength of political partisanship. This experience-based model, despite varied criticisms, has gained wide acceptance. By focusing on cases in which political experience and age are not collinear, this article finds that the Converse model fails to account for the strength of partisanship found among new electorates, there…
Partisanship and Group Support Over Time: A Multivariate Analysis
We propose measuring group support for political parties by means of multivariate techniques that have become standard in other areas of political behavior. This approach yields improved insights into the marginal difference made by membership in each group and into the nature of a party's support coalition. As an example of this approach, we analyze the Democratic coalition since 1952. Our results differ from those of previous studies in a numbe…
Minority Vote Dilution
The Southern Presidential Primary: Regional Intentions With National Implications
Fifteen southern and border states have decided to hold presidential primaries around the second Tuesday in March 1988. Democratic party reformers have backed this regional primary in hopes that it will advantage politically moderate candidates for the presidency. This article discusses how enactment of the southern primary came about and why this reform seems unlikely to achieve the intentions of the reformers. Four major criticisms of the refor…
Southern Partisan Changes: Dealignment, Realignment or Both
This paper draws on presidential and congressional surveys between 1952 and 1984 in order to survey the extent of southern partisan changes and to evaluate the electoral evidence for realignment or dealignment. The partisan balance in the South has shifted in recent years, but no consensus exists about whether these changes constitute realignment or dealignment. Native southern whites--both young and old--have accounted for the largest share of t…
Voter Mobilization and the Politics of Race: The South and Universal Suffrage, 1952-1984
Super Tuesday 1988: Regional Results and National Implications
Fourteen southern and border states established a same-day presidential primary on 8 March 1988. This analysis shows that this Super Tuesday, in several senses, was less than super. The results turned out to be less satisfying than its Democratic founders preferred but less upsetting than its critics anticipated. Despite Super Tuesday, Iowa and New Hampshire remained dominant in the 1988 presidential primaries. Although voter turnout increased sl…
The transformation of the new deal party system: Social groups, political ideology, and changing partisanship among northern whites, 1972?1988
Class Polarization in Partisanship among Native Southern Whites, 1952-90
Multivariate analyses of National Elections Studies data reveal that class-based partisanship of native southern whites, absent or inverted in the past, has surfaced in the past 15 years. In the 1950s, the higher the status of a native southern white, the more likely the individual was to identify as a Democrat. No clear class basis for partisanship prevailed in the 1960s and early 1970s. Since the mid-1970s, class polarization typical of the res…
State Economies and State Taxes: Do Voters Hold Governors Accountable
Theory: States have sufficient autonomy in the policies they adopt that voters hold state officials partly responsible for the condition of the state economy. As the best known state official, elected by a statewide constituency, governors in particular are held accountable for the economic performance of their states. With respect to taxes, the clear locus of responsibility in state actions and the high visibility of certain taxes suggest that g…
Class, Party, and South/Non-South Differences: An Update
This article examines the past 50 years to update an analysis of the relationship between income and partisanship. Earlier, Nadeau and Stanley noted that therewas a change in partisanship in the South from inverse class polarization, in which higher income individuals more often identified with the Democratic Party, to normal class polarization, but the permanence of the shiftwas open to question. Now, with a longer time perspective and even grea…
Partisanship, Party Coalitions, and Group Support, 1952‐2004
Recent changes in partisan support suggest the beginning of a new group basis for the party coalitions. For the Republicans, the changes define group support more sharply than has been the case for many years—a combination of southern whites and a strong religious base of Catholics, regular church‐goers, and Protestant fundamentalists. For Democrats, the changes are defined in terms of losses—of Catholic, union household, and regular church‐going…
Political science (13 works) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (11 works) · Law (11 works) · Law (10 works) · Political economy (10 works) · Politics (10 works) · Sociology (10 works) · Democracy (7 works) · Economics (7 works) · Public Administration (4 works)