Peter Viggo Jakobsen
Biographic Data
| ID | 1151385 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Peter Viggo Jakobsen |
| GIVEN NAMES | Peter Viggo |
| FAMILY NAME | Jakobsen |
| SIGNATURE | JAKOBSEN P V |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Copenhagen |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-1245-3002 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 26 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 191 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 26 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1995 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2025 |
| H-INDEX | 8 |
The post-hegemonic turn in humanitarian intervention: Regional Ownership and Troubled Great Power Management
Since the Great Recession in 2008, the academic debate has been flooded with literature that predicts the sunset of the liberal world order including the practice of humanitarian intervention as initiated at the United Nations (UN) in the early 1990s and regulated by the adoption of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. In contrast, this article argues that the practice of humanitarian intervention continues to operate under post-hegemonic…
Success defying all expectations: How and why limited use of force helped to end Somali piracy
This article explains how and why limited use of force contributed to the surprising elimination of Somali piracy that no-one had expected. It proposes an analytical framework identifying four conditions for limited force success derived from the existing literature: (1) great power leadership, (2) Support at the international, regional and local levels, (3) Effective military forces capable of establishing escalation dominance, and (4) Limited u…
Denmark: Happy to Fight, Will Travel
Over the past thirty years Denmark has become a capable and willing expeditionary ally, not least on account of an accelerated investment in new forces in the early to mid-2000s. With the 2005-2009 defence agreement the Danish Army scrapped its concept of conscripted mobilization and fully committed to deployable capacities; the navy became a 'blue water' navy given the commitment to build two combat support ships and three frigates and to scrap …
Prestige-seeking small states: Danish and Norwegian military contributions to US-led operations
In this article we broaden the conventional understanding of prestige and show that prestige-seeking played a major role in the Danish and Norwegian decisions to provide military support to post-Cold War US-led wars. Both countries made costly military contributions in the hope of increasing their standing and prestige in Washington. Both governments regarded prestige as a form of soft power, which they could later convert into access, influence,…
Victim of its own success: How Nato’s difficulties are caused by the absence of a unifying existential threat
Denmark and UN peacekeeping: Glorious past, dim future
Denmark became a staunch supporter of UN peacekeeping during the cold war because it simultaneously served its interests and values and this winning combination meant that it relatively quickly became internalized as part of Denmark’s foreign policy identity. Denmark turned its back on UN peacekeeping when NATO took over from the UN in Bosnia in 1995. Since then Denmark has prioritized NATO- and US-led operations. The Danish shift was driven by t…
Size and reputation – why the USA has valued its ‘special relationships’ with Denmark and the UK differently since 9/11
In Denmark, Afghanistan is worth dying for: How public support for the war was maintained in the face of mounting casualties and elusive success
Much to their own surprise, successive Danish governments have succeeded in maintaining the highest level of public support among the nations contributing to the NATO mission in Afghanistan, while suffering the highest number of fatalities per capita. We explain this puzzle in a parsimonious fashion manner using a novel analytical framework derived from elite-competition theory, the event-driven school and the literature on strategic narratives. …
Reinterpreting Libya's WMD Turnaround – Bridging the Carrot-Coercion Divide
The dominant explanations of Libya's nuclear reversal in 2003 privilege either coercion or carrots treating these instruments as alternatives. Indoing so they ignore that it took a combination of coercion, carrots and confidence-building to turn Libya around. This article demonstrates this by developing and deploying a theoretical framework that integrates these three instruments into a more coherent and convincing explanation of the case. It hig…
Pushing the Limits of Military Coercion Theory: Pushing the Limits of Military Coercion Theory
The centrality of military coercion in contemporary Western crisis and conflict management constitutes a major policy problem because the United States and its allies are poor at translating their overwhelming military superiority into adversary compliance. The standard explanation provided by coercion theorists is that coercion is hard and that miscalculation, misperception, or practical problems can defeat even a perfectly executed strategy. Wh…
The Rise of Iran: How Durable, How Dangerous
Udgivelsesdato: autumn 2010
Small States, Big Influence: The Overlooked Nordic Influence on the Civilian ESDP
There is almost universal agreement that the European security and defence policy (ESDP) has been driven and determined by the great powers (the UK, France and Germany). I challenge this view by arguing that the Nordic countries have had a significant, and at times even decisive, influence upon the civilian ESDP. They put civilian crisis management on the ESDP agenda and successfully kept it there in the face of strong opposition led by France; t…
Still Punching Above Their Weight? Nordic Cooperation in Peace Operations after the Cold War
Udgivelsesdato: August
Le modèle nordique de maintien de la paix: Essor, déclin et résurgence
Le modèle nordique de maintien de la paix résulta du choix des critères qui ont limité le nombre de contributeurs de troupe à un groupe restreint de petits et moyens États, de la convergence d’intérêts communs et nationaux, ainsi que sa relation « coût-bénéfice » favorable. Son déclin dans les années 1990 a été provoqué par l’augmentation du nombre de pays contributeurs de troupe, d’une forte résistance à l’emploi de la force au-delà de l’autodéf…
The Nordic peacekeeping model: Rise, fall, resurgence
The Nordic peacekeeping model rose as a result of: selection criteria that limited the number of troop contributors to a select group of small and middle-sized states; common as well as national interests that made support for UN peacekeeping the logical policy; and the low-cost/high pay-off nature of the enterprise. Its fall in the 1990s was caused by the vast increase in the number of troop contributors, a strong reluctance to use force beyond …
Nordic Approaches to Peace Operations: A New Model in the Making
A new examination of Nordic approaches to peace operations after the Cold War. It shows how the Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden) remain relevant for the study and practice of post-Cold War peace operations.This unique study is structured around eleven success conditions derived from an analysis of the lessons learned
The Transformation of United Nations Peace Operations in the 1990s: Adding Globalization to the Conventional `End of the Cold War Explanation
The conventional `end of the Cold War explanation' of the transformation of UN peace operations in the 1990s fails to specify the causal links between the independent variable (the end of the Cold War) and the observed variation in the dependent variable (the dramatic changes in the number and nature of peace operations). A missing link is the acceleration in the globalization of the market economy, democracy and human rights that has been trigge…
The emerging consensus on grey area peace operations doctrine: Will it last and enhance operational effectiveness
The emerging doctrinal consensus on grey area operations doctrine will have a lasting impact on doctrinal thinking as it is theoretically sound and has been validated in practice and embraced by the UN and non‐NATO states. It will also enhance operational effectiveness on Western‐led operations, but the operational improvements will be relatively limited in scope unless the Western powers: (1) accept public security tasks as a military responsibi…
Overload, Not Marginalization, Threatens UN Peacekeeping
Reinterpreting western use of coercion in Bosnia‐Herzegovina: Assurances and carrots were crucial
This article demonstrates that assurances and carrots accompanied credible threats every time Western coercion succeeded in Bosnia. This finding is hardly surprising as it merely confirms earlier research on coercive diplomacy, but it is nevertheless important because the crucial role played by assurances and carrots has been completely ignored in most analyses to date. It also has important policy implications at a time when Western, and particu…
Focus on the CNN Effect Misses the Point: The Real Media Impact on Conflict Management is Invisible And Indirect
`[Television] has changed the way the world reacts to crises', Boutros Boutros-Ghali, then United Nations (UN) Secretary-General (Gowing, 1994a). The media ignores most conflicts most of the time. The coverage of the pre- and post-violence phases is negligible at best and only a few armed conflicts are covered in the violence phase. As focus and funds follow the cameras, the 1990s have witnessed a transfer of resources from more cost-effective, l…
Western Use of Coercive Diplomacy after the Cold War: A Challenge for Theory and Practice
List of Figures and Tables Preface List of Acronyms Introduction Evaluation of the State of the Art Constructing a Theoretical Framework The Gulf Conflict, 1990-91 The Yugoslav Wars, 1991-95 Restoring Democracy in Haiti, 1991-94 Conclusions Bibliography Index
The Danish approach to UN peace operations after the cold war: A new model in the making
The traditional Danish and Nordic peacekeeping model emphasized the principles of impartiality and no use of force except in self‐defence, and was designed for operations enjoying the full consent of the warring parties. Today, this model is increasingly being regarded as obsolete because most contemporary United Nations (UN) operations enjoy limited or no consent. Since most analysts regard the Nordic countries as a bastion of traditionalism, li…
Danger and opportunity: Explaining international crisis outcomes
National Interest, Humanitarianism or CNN: What Triggers UN Peace Enforcement After the Cold War
This article undertakes a structured, focused comparison of five post-Cold War United Nations (UN) peace enforcement operations to determine why they were initiated. The roles played by five explanatory factors are examined in the operations in Kuwait, Northern Iraq, Somalia, Rwanda and Haiti. These factors are: a clear humanitarian and/or legal case, national interest, chance of success, domestic support and the CNN effect. Two distinct patterns…
Small States, Big Influence: The Overlooked Nordic Influence on the Civilian ESDP
There is almost universal agreement that the European security and defence policy (ESDP) has been driven and determined by the great powers (the UK, France and Germany). I challenge this view by arguing that the Nordic countries have had a significant, and at times even decisive, influence upon the civilian ESDP. They put civilian crisis management on the ESDP agenda and successfully kept it there in the face of strong opposition led by France; t…
In Denmark, Afghanistan is worth dying for: How public support for the war was maintained in the face of mounting casualties and elusive success
Much to their own surprise, successive Danish governments have succeeded in maintaining the highest level of public support among the nations contributing to the NATO mission in Afghanistan, while suffering the highest number of fatalities per capita. We explain this puzzle in a parsimonious fashion manner using a novel analytical framework derived from elite-competition theory, the event-driven school and the literature on strategic narratives. …
National Interest, Humanitarianism or CNN: What Triggers UN Peace Enforcement After the Cold War
This article undertakes a structured, focused comparison of five post-Cold War United Nations (UN) peace enforcement operations to determine why they were initiated. The roles played by five explanatory factors are examined in the operations in Kuwait, Northern Iraq, Somalia, Rwanda and Haiti. These factors are: a clear humanitarian and/or legal case, national interest, chance of success, domestic support and the CNN effect. Two distinct patterns…
Focus on the CNN Effect Misses the Point: The Real Media Impact on Conflict Management is Invisible And Indirect
`[Television] has changed the way the world reacts to crises', Boutros Boutros-Ghali, then United Nations (UN) Secretary-General (Gowing, 1994a). The media ignores most conflicts most of the time. The coverage of the pre- and post-violence phases is negligible at best and only a few armed conflicts are covered in the violence phase. As focus and funds follow the cameras, the 1990s have witnessed a transfer of resources from more cost-effective, l…
Prestige-seeking small states: Danish and Norwegian military contributions to US-led operations
In this article we broaden the conventional understanding of prestige and show that prestige-seeking played a major role in the Danish and Norwegian decisions to provide military support to post-Cold War US-led wars. Both countries made costly military contributions in the hope of increasing their standing and prestige in Washington. Both governments regarded prestige as a form of soft power, which they could later convert into access, influence,…
The Transformation of United Nations Peace Operations in the 1990s: Adding Globalization to the Conventional `End of the Cold War Explanation
The conventional `end of the Cold War explanation' of the transformation of UN peace operations in the 1990s fails to specify the causal links between the independent variable (the end of the Cold War) and the observed variation in the dependent variable (the dramatic changes in the number and nature of peace operations). A missing link is the acceleration in the globalization of the market economy, democracy and human rights that has been trigge…
The Nordic peacekeeping model: Rise, fall, resurgence
The Nordic peacekeeping model rose as a result of: selection criteria that limited the number of troop contributors to a select group of small and middle-sized states; common as well as national interests that made support for UN peacekeeping the logical policy; and the low-cost/high pay-off nature of the enterprise. Its fall in the 1990s was caused by the vast increase in the number of troop contributors, a strong reluctance to use force beyond …
The Rise of Iran: How Durable, How Dangerous
Udgivelsesdato: autumn 2010
Denmark and UN peacekeeping: Glorious past, dim future
Denmark became a staunch supporter of UN peacekeeping during the cold war because it simultaneously served its interests and values and this winning combination meant that it relatively quickly became internalized as part of Denmark’s foreign policy identity. Denmark turned its back on UN peacekeeping when NATO took over from the UN in Bosnia in 1995. Since then Denmark has prioritized NATO- and US-led operations. The Danish shift was driven by t…
Still Punching Above Their Weight? Nordic Cooperation in Peace Operations after the Cold War
Udgivelsesdato: August
The emerging consensus on grey area peace operations doctrine: Will it last and enhance operational effectiveness
The emerging doctrinal consensus on grey area operations doctrine will have a lasting impact on doctrinal thinking as it is theoretically sound and has been validated in practice and embraced by the UN and non‐NATO states. It will also enhance operational effectiveness on Western‐led operations, but the operational improvements will be relatively limited in scope unless the Western powers: (1) accept public security tasks as a military responsibi…
Western Use of Coercive Diplomacy after the Cold War: A Challenge for Theory and Practice
List of Figures and Tables Preface List of Acronyms Introduction Evaluation of the State of the Art Constructing a Theoretical Framework The Gulf Conflict, 1990-91 The Yugoslav Wars, 1991-95 Restoring Democracy in Haiti, 1991-94 Conclusions Bibliography Index
Size and reputation – why the USA has valued its ‘special relationships’ with Denmark and the UK differently since 9/11
Pushing the Limits of Military Coercion Theory: Pushing the Limits of Military Coercion Theory
The centrality of military coercion in contemporary Western crisis and conflict management constitutes a major policy problem because the United States and its allies are poor at translating their overwhelming military superiority into adversary compliance. The standard explanation provided by coercion theorists is that coercion is hard and that miscalculation, misperception, or practical problems can defeat even a perfectly executed strategy. Wh…
The Danish approach to UN peace operations after the cold war: A new model in the making
The traditional Danish and Nordic peacekeeping model emphasized the principles of impartiality and no use of force except in self‐defence, and was designed for operations enjoying the full consent of the warring parties. Today, this model is increasingly being regarded as obsolete because most contemporary United Nations (UN) operations enjoy limited or no consent. Since most analysts regard the Nordic countries as a bastion of traditionalism, li…
Victim of its own success: How Nato’s difficulties are caused by the absence of a unifying existential threat
Reinterpreting Libya's WMD Turnaround – Bridging the Carrot-Coercion Divide
The dominant explanations of Libya's nuclear reversal in 2003 privilege either coercion or carrots treating these instruments as alternatives. Indoing so they ignore that it took a combination of coercion, carrots and confidence-building to turn Libya around. This article demonstrates this by developing and deploying a theoretical framework that integrates these three instruments into a more coherent and convincing explanation of the case. It hig…
Multilateralism Matters, But How: The Impact of Multilateralism on Great Power Policy towards the Break-up of Yugoslavia
Whereas Ruggie and his associates have expended a great deal of effort in explaining how and why the principled meanings of multilateralism became institutionalized in most of the international organizations set up since 1945, less attention has been paid to the questions how they influence state policy today and whether they are likely to continue to do so in the future. This article discusses these questions and, in addition, examines whether t…
Success defying all expectations: How and why limited use of force helped to end Somali piracy
This article explains how and why limited use of force contributed to the surprising elimination of Somali piracy that no-one had expected. It proposes an analytical framework identifying four conditions for limited force success derived from the existing literature: (1) great power leadership, (2) Support at the international, regional and local levels, (3) Effective military forces capable of establishing escalation dominance, and (4) Limited u…
Denmark: Happy to Fight, Will Travel
Over the past thirty years Denmark has become a capable and willing expeditionary ally, not least on account of an accelerated investment in new forces in the early to mid-2000s. With the 2005-2009 defence agreement the Danish Army scrapped its concept of conscripted mobilization and fully committed to deployable capacities; the navy became a 'blue water' navy given the commitment to build two combat support ships and three frigates and to scrap …
Overload, Not Marginalization, Threatens UN Peacekeeping
Reinterpreting western use of coercion in Bosnia‐Herzegovina: Assurances and carrots were crucial
This article demonstrates that assurances and carrots accompanied credible threats every time Western coercion succeeded in Bosnia. This finding is hardly surprising as it merely confirms earlier research on coercive diplomacy, but it is nevertheless important because the crucial role played by assurances and carrots has been completely ignored in most analyses to date. It also has important policy implications at a time when Western, and particu…
Multilateralism Matters, But How: The Impact of Multilateralism on Great Power Policy towards the Break-up of Yugoslavia
Whereas Ruggie and his associates have expended a great deal of effort in explaining how and why the principled meanings of multilateralism became institutionalized in most of the international organizations set up since 1945, less attention has been paid to the questions how they influence state policy today and whether they are likely to continue to do so in the future. This article discusses these questions and, in addition, examines whether t…
Danger and opportunity: Explaining international crisis outcomes
National Interest, Humanitarianism or CNN: What Triggers UN Peace Enforcement After the Cold War
This article undertakes a structured, focused comparison of five post-Cold War United Nations (UN) peace enforcement operations to determine why they were initiated. The roles played by five explanatory factors are examined in the operations in Kuwait, Northern Iraq, Somalia, Rwanda and Haiti. These factors are: a clear humanitarian and/or legal case, national interest, chance of success, domestic support and the CNN effect. Two distinct patterns…
The Danish approach to UN peace operations after the cold war: A new model in the making
The traditional Danish and Nordic peacekeeping model emphasized the principles of impartiality and no use of force except in self‐defence, and was designed for operations enjoying the full consent of the warring parties. Today, this model is increasingly being regarded as obsolete because most contemporary United Nations (UN) operations enjoy limited or no consent. Since most analysts regard the Nordic countries as a bastion of traditionalism, li…
Western Use of Coercive Diplomacy after the Cold War: A Challenge for Theory and Practice
List of Figures and Tables Preface List of Acronyms Introduction Evaluation of the State of the Art Constructing a Theoretical Framework The Gulf Conflict, 1990-91 The Yugoslav Wars, 1991-95 Restoring Democracy in Haiti, 1991-94 Conclusions Bibliography Index
The emerging consensus on grey area peace operations doctrine: Will it last and enhance operational effectiveness
The emerging doctrinal consensus on grey area operations doctrine will have a lasting impact on doctrinal thinking as it is theoretically sound and has been validated in practice and embraced by the UN and non‐NATO states. It will also enhance operational effectiveness on Western‐led operations, but the operational improvements will be relatively limited in scope unless the Western powers: (1) accept public security tasks as a military responsibi…
Overload, Not Marginalization, Threatens UN Peacekeeping
Reinterpreting western use of coercion in Bosnia‐Herzegovina: Assurances and carrots were crucial
This article demonstrates that assurances and carrots accompanied credible threats every time Western coercion succeeded in Bosnia. This finding is hardly surprising as it merely confirms earlier research on coercive diplomacy, but it is nevertheless important because the crucial role played by assurances and carrots has been completely ignored in most analyses to date. It also has important policy implications at a time when Western, and particu…
Focus on the CNN Effect Misses the Point: The Real Media Impact on Conflict Management is Invisible And Indirect
`[Television] has changed the way the world reacts to crises', Boutros Boutros-Ghali, then United Nations (UN) Secretary-General (Gowing, 1994a). The media ignores most conflicts most of the time. The coverage of the pre- and post-violence phases is negligible at best and only a few armed conflicts are covered in the violence phase. As focus and funds follow the cameras, the 1990s have witnessed a transfer of resources from more cost-effective, l…
The Transformation of United Nations Peace Operations in the 1990s: Adding Globalization to the Conventional `End of the Cold War Explanation
The conventional `end of the Cold War explanation' of the transformation of UN peace operations in the 1990s fails to specify the causal links between the independent variable (the end of the Cold War) and the observed variation in the dependent variable (the dramatic changes in the number and nature of peace operations). A missing link is the acceleration in the globalization of the market economy, democracy and human rights that has been trigge…
Nordic Approaches to Peace Operations: A New Model in the Making
A new examination of Nordic approaches to peace operations after the Cold War. It shows how the Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden) remain relevant for the study and practice of post-Cold War peace operations.This unique study is structured around eleven success conditions derived from an analysis of the lessons learned
Le modèle nordique de maintien de la paix: Essor, déclin et résurgence
Le modèle nordique de maintien de la paix résulta du choix des critères qui ont limité le nombre de contributeurs de troupe à un groupe restreint de petits et moyens États, de la convergence d’intérêts communs et nationaux, ainsi que sa relation « coût-bénéfice » favorable. Son déclin dans les années 1990 a été provoqué par l’augmentation du nombre de pays contributeurs de troupe, d’une forte résistance à l’emploi de la force au-delà de l’autodéf…
The Nordic peacekeeping model: Rise, fall, resurgence
The Nordic peacekeeping model rose as a result of: selection criteria that limited the number of troop contributors to a select group of small and middle-sized states; common as well as national interests that made support for UN peacekeeping the logical policy; and the low-cost/high pay-off nature of the enterprise. Its fall in the 1990s was caused by the vast increase in the number of troop contributors, a strong reluctance to use force beyond …
Still Punching Above Their Weight? Nordic Cooperation in Peace Operations after the Cold War
Udgivelsesdato: August
Small States, Big Influence: The Overlooked Nordic Influence on the Civilian ESDP
There is almost universal agreement that the European security and defence policy (ESDP) has been driven and determined by the great powers (the UK, France and Germany). I challenge this view by arguing that the Nordic countries have had a significant, and at times even decisive, influence upon the civilian ESDP. They put civilian crisis management on the ESDP agenda and successfully kept it there in the face of strong opposition led by France; t…
The Rise of Iran: How Durable, How Dangerous
Udgivelsesdato: autumn 2010
Pushing the Limits of Military Coercion Theory: Pushing the Limits of Military Coercion Theory
The centrality of military coercion in contemporary Western crisis and conflict management constitutes a major policy problem because the United States and its allies are poor at translating their overwhelming military superiority into adversary compliance. The standard explanation provided by coercion theorists is that coercion is hard and that miscalculation, misperception, or practical problems can defeat even a perfectly executed strategy. Wh…
Reinterpreting Libya's WMD Turnaround – Bridging the Carrot-Coercion Divide
The dominant explanations of Libya's nuclear reversal in 2003 privilege either coercion or carrots treating these instruments as alternatives. Indoing so they ignore that it took a combination of coercion, carrots and confidence-building to turn Libya around. This article demonstrates this by developing and deploying a theoretical framework that integrates these three instruments into a more coherent and convincing explanation of the case. It hig…
In Denmark, Afghanistan is worth dying for: How public support for the war was maintained in the face of mounting casualties and elusive success
Much to their own surprise, successive Danish governments have succeeded in maintaining the highest level of public support among the nations contributing to the NATO mission in Afghanistan, while suffering the highest number of fatalities per capita. We explain this puzzle in a parsimonious fashion manner using a novel analytical framework derived from elite-competition theory, the event-driven school and the literature on strategic narratives. …
Size and reputation – why the USA has valued its ‘special relationships’ with Denmark and the UK differently since 9/11
Denmark and UN peacekeeping: Glorious past, dim future
Denmark became a staunch supporter of UN peacekeeping during the cold war because it simultaneously served its interests and values and this winning combination meant that it relatively quickly became internalized as part of Denmark’s foreign policy identity. Denmark turned its back on UN peacekeeping when NATO took over from the UN in Bosnia in 1995. Since then Denmark has prioritized NATO- and US-led operations. The Danish shift was driven by t…
Prestige-seeking small states: Danish and Norwegian military contributions to US-led operations
In this article we broaden the conventional understanding of prestige and show that prestige-seeking played a major role in the Danish and Norwegian decisions to provide military support to post-Cold War US-led wars. Both countries made costly military contributions in the hope of increasing their standing and prestige in Washington. Both governments regarded prestige as a form of soft power, which they could later convert into access, influence,…
Victim of its own success: How Nato’s difficulties are caused by the absence of a unifying existential threat
Denmark: Happy to Fight, Will Travel
Over the past thirty years Denmark has become a capable and willing expeditionary ally, not least on account of an accelerated investment in new forces in the early to mid-2000s. With the 2005-2009 defence agreement the Danish Army scrapped its concept of conscripted mobilization and fully committed to deployable capacities; the navy became a 'blue water' navy given the commitment to build two combat support ships and three frigates and to scrap …
Success defying all expectations: How and why limited use of force helped to end Somali piracy
This article explains how and why limited use of force contributed to the surprising elimination of Somali piracy that no-one had expected. It proposes an analytical framework identifying four conditions for limited force success derived from the existing literature: (1) great power leadership, (2) Support at the international, regional and local levels, (3) Effective military forces capable of establishing escalation dominance, and (4) Limited u…
Political science (25 works) · Law (20 works) · Law (17 works) · Peacebuilding and International Security (16 works) · Political economy (14 works) · Politics (13 works) · Economics (11 works) · Sociology (11 works) · Global Peace and Security Dynamics (10 works) · Computer Science (8 works)