Manfred Elfstrom
Biographic Data
| ID | 1187970 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Manfred Elfstrom |
| GIVEN NAMES | Manfred |
| FAMILY NAME | Elfstrom |
| SIGNATURE | ELFSTROM M |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of British Columbia |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-5588-8778 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 10 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 35 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 10 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2014 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 1 |
Use and Abuse of Chinese Workers Recruited for Belt and Road Projects Abroad
Coal and Collective Action in Appalachia
Collective action involving natural resources can be politically consequential. But organisers confronting resource interests or even just operating in natural resource-dependent areas face substantial obstacles. This paper tests three arguments about why such activists can nonetheless sometimes succeed: that local party dynamics are important to dispute outcomes, that small-scale and persistent campaigns have the best results, and that peacefull…
Propaganda and Blame Attribution during Economic Downturns
Power on the Margins
Although once the subject of intense theoretical debate, the lumpenproletariat is largely missing from class-based analyses of popular resistance under authoritarianism. This article introduces a new definition of lumpenproletarians in the developing world, focusing on the nature of their work. It then argues that, given their socioeconomic position, these people should eschew participation in conventional social movements but ought to back prote…
Workers and Change in China
Response to Jennifer Pan’s Review of Workers and Change in China
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Labor and the Contradictions of Law in China
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Does Greater Coercive Capacity Increase Overt Repression? Evidence from China
Drawing on an original dataset of Chinese protests, this article documents an evolving relationship between state coercive capacity and overt repression across administrations. Specifically, it finds that under Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao (2003–2012) protests in provinces with higher coercive capacity were less likely to meet with a crackdown, whereas the relationship between capacity and repression reversed during the first three years of Xi Jinpin…
Worker unrest and institutional change
Worker protests in China are increasing in frequency, and workers are making more ambitious demands. However, it is unclear whether this activism is, on the whole, drawing a reformist or conservative response from officials. To determine exactly what this means ideologically, we further compare reform optimists and pessimists with regard to their support for a range of more specific policies, finding that those who believe systemic changes are cl…
The Changing Nature of Labor Unrest in China
A qualitative shift is underway in the nature of labor protest in China. Contrary to prior literature that characterized strikes as being largely defensive in nature, the authors suggest that since 2008, Chinese workers have been striking offensively for more money, better working conditions, and more respect from employers. They explain these developments using a "political process" model that suggests economic and political opportunities are se…
The Changing Nature of Labor Unrest in China
A qualitative shift is underway in the nature of labor protest in China. Contrary to prior literature that characterized strikes as being largely defensive in nature, the authors suggest that since 2008, Chinese workers have been striking offensively for more money, better working conditions, and more respect from employers. They explain these developments using a "political process" model that suggests economic and political opportunities are se…
Power on the Margins
Although once the subject of intense theoretical debate, the lumpenproletariat is largely missing from class-based analyses of popular resistance under authoritarianism. This article introduces a new definition of lumpenproletarians in the developing world, focusing on the nature of their work. It then argues that, given their socioeconomic position, these people should eschew participation in conventional social movements but ought to back prote…
Does Greater Coercive Capacity Increase Overt Repression? Evidence from China
Drawing on an original dataset of Chinese protests, this article documents an evolving relationship between state coercive capacity and overt repression across administrations. Specifically, it finds that under Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao (2003–2012) protests in provinces with higher coercive capacity were less likely to meet with a crackdown, whereas the relationship between capacity and repression reversed during the first three years of Xi Jinpin…
Worker unrest and institutional change
Worker protests in China are increasing in frequency, and workers are making more ambitious demands. However, it is unclear whether this activism is, on the whole, drawing a reformist or conservative response from officials. To determine exactly what this means ideologically, we further compare reform optimists and pessimists with regard to their support for a range of more specific policies, finding that those who believe systemic changes are cl…
The Changing Nature of Labor Unrest in China
A qualitative shift is underway in the nature of labor protest in China. Contrary to prior literature that characterized strikes as being largely defensive in nature, the authors suggest that since 2008, Chinese workers have been striking offensively for more money, better working conditions, and more respect from employers. They explain these developments using a "political process" model that suggests economic and political opportunities are se…
Worker unrest and institutional change
Worker protests in China are increasing in frequency, and workers are making more ambitious demands. However, it is unclear whether this activism is, on the whole, drawing a reformist or conservative response from officials. To determine exactly what this means ideologically, we further compare reform optimists and pessimists with regard to their support for a range of more specific policies, finding that those who believe systemic changes are cl…
Does Greater Coercive Capacity Increase Overt Repression? Evidence from China
Drawing on an original dataset of Chinese protests, this article documents an evolving relationship between state coercive capacity and overt repression across administrations. Specifically, it finds that under Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao (2003–2012) protests in provinces with higher coercive capacity were less likely to meet with a crackdown, whereas the relationship between capacity and repression reversed during the first three years of Xi Jinpin…
Workers and Change in China
Response to Jennifer Pan’s Review of Workers and Change in China
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Labor and the Contradictions of Law in China
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Power on the Margins
Although once the subject of intense theoretical debate, the lumpenproletariat is largely missing from class-based analyses of popular resistance under authoritarianism. This article introduces a new definition of lumpenproletarians in the developing world, focusing on the nature of their work. It then argues that, given their socioeconomic position, these people should eschew participation in conventional social movements but ought to back prote…
Propaganda and Blame Attribution during Economic Downturns
Use and Abuse of Chinese Workers Recruited for Belt and Road Projects Abroad
Coal and Collective Action in Appalachia
Collective action involving natural resources can be politically consequential. But organisers confronting resource interests or even just operating in natural resource-dependent areas face substantial obstacles. This paper tests three arguments about why such activists can nonetheless sometimes succeed: that local party dynamics are important to dispute outcomes, that small-scale and persistent campaigns have the best results, and that peacefull…
China (9 works) · Law (8 works) · Political science (8 works) · China's Socioeconomic Reforms and Governance (7 works) · Economics (6 works) · Law (6 works) · Political economy (5 works) · Politics (4 works) · Sociology (4 works) · Political Conflict and Governance (3 works)