Anthoula Malkopoulou
Biographic Data
| ID | 1250002 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Anthoula Malkopoulou |
| GIVEN NAMES | Anthoula |
| FAMILY NAME | Malkopoulou |
| SIGNATURE | MALKOPOULOU A |
| AFFILIATIONS | Uppsala University |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-7881-9329 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 20 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 76 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 20 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2009 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 4 |
Democratic self-defence as a dirty hands problem
“Dirty hands” is a problem in political ethics that emerges when political actors, faced with urgent circumstances, engage in moral wrongdoing to better serve the public interest. Does containing autocrats justify morally troubling actions akin to dirty hands, and if so, under what conditions? One example is militant democracy, where restrictions on individual rights are considered justified to block antidemocratic actors, but are morally harmful…
Beyond right and wrong: On the conditionality of dirty hands
Dirty Hands theorists disagree about how agents should resolve a high-cost moral dilemma, but their disagreement is partly because they tend to discuss widely different cases of a broad and heterogeneous phenomenon. Moralists are typically concerned with problems that often involve an agent who is under coercion and is asked to engage in an activity that will cause severe and certain harm to individuals. Realists, on the other hand, base their ob…
Responses to Populism: Militant, Tolerant, and Social
What should we do about populism? In recent years, this question has become more urgent as populist leaders and parties have taken center stage in many countries across the globe. No longer a “minor” political phenomenon, populism has forced scholars to grapple with how to address its potential “threat” to “liberal democracy while also harnessing its “corrective” properties (Rovira Kaltwasser 2012). In this debate, the two questions of who “we” a…
No representation without taxation: Which political parties support contributivism and how
Contributivism refers to the principle of conditioning rights to political participation on economic and other contributions. Access to citizenship and voting rights for immigrants often requires ‘doing something for’ the host society, which is usually measured in material terms. The limited research on ‘contributivism’ to date has focused on laws, norms, and public opinion. Little is known about the politics of contributivism, the positions of d…
How not to respond to populism
Although the nature and definition of populism are a source of considerable disagreement, there seems to be a minimal consensus by now that populism poses a number of threats to liberal democracy, and that public authorities should therefore act in defence of the latter. In searching for appropriate responses, however, most scholars draw from strategies for combatting anti-democratic or extremist parties, without considering the important differe…
Making Constituencies: Representation as Mobilization in Mass Democracy by Lisa Jane Disch
Jerome Slater's book impressively counters Abba Eban's profoundly false meme that the Arabs "never missed an opportunity to miss an opportunity."In Israeli parlance, Slater contends that hahefech hu hanachon ("the opposite is the case").Though exploiting only English-language secondary sources, he uses
Herman Heller on Democratic Self-defence: Militant Democracy Revisited
The politics of voter presence
By focusing only on the composition of representative bodies, the traditional ‘politics of presence’ approach has inadvertently diminished the value of participation for representation. It overlooks that there exist ‘elite voters’ who reinforce discrimination against abstainers at the policy level and create obstacles for improving the lives of the marginalized. We offer a remedy to persisting patterns of political exclusion by arguing in favour …
Allotted chambers as defenders of democracy
In this paper, we identify a problem—the problem of which actors should serve as defenders of democracy—and propose a solution to that problem—the creation of randomly selected citizen bodies, or allotted chambers (hereafter ACs).1 Having in place institutions that are tasked with democratic self-defense, is, we argue, a critically important pillar of democratic government, but its importance has often been neglected. This neglect is exacerbated …
Gender, Parliament, Democracy and Time
What militant democrats and technocrats share
In their efforts to prevent democratic backsliding, militant democrats have traditionally been sympathetic to technocratic arrangements. Does this sympathy imply a logical congruence? Comparing theories of militant democracy and epistemic technocracy (aka epistocracy), I discover a common approach to basic aspects of representative democracy. Both theories see voters as fallible or ignorant instead of capable political agents; and they both under…
Hermann Heller on politics: Discipline, sphere and activity
Most students of politics are familiar with Carl Schmitt’s definition of politics as a friend–enemy distinction. Yet, only few know of alternative conceptions of politics in interwar Germany that emphasize cooperation and legality over confrontation and decisionism. To unlock such views, this article examines the work of Hermann Heller, a social-democratic constitutional theorist, and takes a close look at his conceptualization of politics as a s…
Compulsory voting and right-wing populism: Mobilisation, Representation and Socioeconomic Inequalities
When all citizens vote, the influence of radical parties decreases. Despite this being a central justification for compulsory voting in the past, it has been absent from contemporary debates. I examine the normative and empirical premises of the ‘moderation thesis’ in relation to radical right-wing populist parties today and suggest that, under certain conditions, compulsory voting can limit these parties’ appeal. First, it replaces the excessive…
Three Models of Democratic Self-Defence: Militant Democracy and Its Alternatives
Militant democracy relies on the idea that democracies ought to defend themselves from anti-democratic forces by constitutionalising repressive measures. We offer a criticism of this view by highlighting the exclusionary elitism on which militant democracy is built. In doing this, we consider two competing models of democratic self-defence: the procedural and the social. We suggest that the procedural model, while avoiding the exclusionary and ot…
Ostracism and democratic self‐defense in Athens
The Self-limiting Theory of Militant Democracy
The self-limiting theory of militant democracy : Alexander Kirshner, A Theory of Militant Democracy: The Ethics of Combatting Political Extremism. New Haven/London: Yale University Press. 2014. 208 pages. ISBN 9780300189858
De-presentation rights as a response to extremism
Due to the persistent rise of extremism, democrats in recent years have been exploring old and new possibilities of democratic self-defence. This article explores an unconventional and little known alternative to militant democracy that places the demos at the centre stage of the struggle against extremism. Through a neo-procedural reinterpretation of ancient ostracism and modern-day recall, I suggest that citizens should have rights of democrati…
Compulsory voting: For and against
Debating Compulsory Voting: Electoral Reform as a Conflict of Political Concepts
peerReviewed
Transnational Concepts, Transfers and the Challenge of the Peripheries Annual Conference of the History of Political and Social Concepts Group, Istanbul, 30 August–2 September 2007
no abstract
Three Models of Democratic Self-Defence: Militant Democracy and Its Alternatives
Militant democracy relies on the idea that democracies ought to defend themselves from anti-democratic forces by constitutionalising repressive measures. We offer a criticism of this view by highlighting the exclusionary elitism on which militant democracy is built. In doing this, we consider two competing models of democratic self-defence: the procedural and the social. We suggest that the procedural model, while avoiding the exclusionary and ot…
How not to respond to populism
Although the nature and definition of populism are a source of considerable disagreement, there seems to be a minimal consensus by now that populism poses a number of threats to liberal democracy, and that public authorities should therefore act in defence of the latter. In searching for appropriate responses, however, most scholars draw from strategies for combatting anti-democratic or extremist parties, without considering the important differe…
Compulsory voting and right-wing populism: Mobilisation, Representation and Socioeconomic Inequalities
When all citizens vote, the influence of radical parties decreases. Despite this being a central justification for compulsory voting in the past, it has been absent from contemporary debates. I examine the normative and empirical premises of the ‘moderation thesis’ in relation to radical right-wing populist parties today and suggest that, under certain conditions, compulsory voting can limit these parties’ appeal. First, it replaces the excessive…
Allotted chambers as defenders of democracy
In this paper, we identify a problem—the problem of which actors should serve as defenders of democracy—and propose a solution to that problem—the creation of randomly selected citizen bodies, or allotted chambers (hereafter ACs).1 Having in place institutions that are tasked with democratic self-defense, is, we argue, a critically important pillar of democratic government, but its importance has often been neglected. This neglect is exacerbated …
Responses to Populism: Militant, Tolerant, and Social
What should we do about populism? In recent years, this question has become more urgent as populist leaders and parties have taken center stage in many countries across the globe. No longer a “minor” political phenomenon, populism has forced scholars to grapple with how to address its potential “threat” to “liberal democracy while also harnessing its “corrective” properties (Rovira Kaltwasser 2012). In this debate, the two questions of who “we” a…
Ostracism and democratic self‐defense in Athens
De-presentation rights as a response to extremism
Due to the persistent rise of extremism, democrats in recent years have been exploring old and new possibilities of democratic self-defence. This article explores an unconventional and little known alternative to militant democracy that places the demos at the centre stage of the struggle against extremism. Through a neo-procedural reinterpretation of ancient ostracism and modern-day recall, I suggest that citizens should have rights of democrati…
Beyond right and wrong: On the conditionality of dirty hands
Dirty Hands theorists disagree about how agents should resolve a high-cost moral dilemma, but their disagreement is partly because they tend to discuss widely different cases of a broad and heterogeneous phenomenon. Moralists are typically concerned with problems that often involve an agent who is under coercion and is asked to engage in an activity that will cause severe and certain harm to individuals. Realists, on the other hand, base their ob…
No representation without taxation: Which political parties support contributivism and how
Contributivism refers to the principle of conditioning rights to political participation on economic and other contributions. Access to citizenship and voting rights for immigrants often requires ‘doing something for’ the host society, which is usually measured in material terms. The limited research on ‘contributivism’ to date has focused on laws, norms, and public opinion. Little is known about the politics of contributivism, the positions of d…
What militant democrats and technocrats share
In their efforts to prevent democratic backsliding, militant democrats have traditionally been sympathetic to technocratic arrangements. Does this sympathy imply a logical congruence? Comparing theories of militant democracy and epistemic technocracy (aka epistocracy), I discover a common approach to basic aspects of representative democracy. Both theories see voters as fallible or ignorant instead of capable political agents; and they both under…
Hermann Heller on politics: Discipline, sphere and activity
Most students of politics are familiar with Carl Schmitt’s definition of politics as a friend–enemy distinction. Yet, only few know of alternative conceptions of politics in interwar Germany that emphasize cooperation and legality over confrontation and decisionism. To unlock such views, this article examines the work of Hermann Heller, a social-democratic constitutional theorist, and takes a close look at his conceptualization of politics as a s…
Transnational Concepts, Transfers and the Challenge of the Peripheries Annual Conference of the History of Political and Social Concepts Group, Istanbul, 30 August–2 September 2007
no abstract
Debating Compulsory Voting: Electoral Reform as a Conflict of Political Concepts
peerReviewed
Compulsory voting: For and against
The Self-limiting Theory of Militant Democracy
The self-limiting theory of militant democracy : Alexander Kirshner, A Theory of Militant Democracy: The Ethics of Combatting Political Extremism. New Haven/London: Yale University Press. 2014. 208 pages. ISBN 9780300189858
De-presentation rights as a response to extremism
Due to the persistent rise of extremism, democrats in recent years have been exploring old and new possibilities of democratic self-defence. This article explores an unconventional and little known alternative to militant democracy that places the demos at the centre stage of the struggle against extremism. Through a neo-procedural reinterpretation of ancient ostracism and modern-day recall, I suggest that citizens should have rights of democrati…
Ostracism and democratic self‐defense in Athens
Three Models of Democratic Self-Defence: Militant Democracy and Its Alternatives
Militant democracy relies on the idea that democracies ought to defend themselves from anti-democratic forces by constitutionalising repressive measures. We offer a criticism of this view by highlighting the exclusionary elitism on which militant democracy is built. In doing this, we consider two competing models of democratic self-defence: the procedural and the social. We suggest that the procedural model, while avoiding the exclusionary and ot…
Gender, Parliament, Democracy and Time
What militant democrats and technocrats share
In their efforts to prevent democratic backsliding, militant democrats have traditionally been sympathetic to technocratic arrangements. Does this sympathy imply a logical congruence? Comparing theories of militant democracy and epistemic technocracy (aka epistocracy), I discover a common approach to basic aspects of representative democracy. Both theories see voters as fallible or ignorant instead of capable political agents; and they both under…
Hermann Heller on politics: Discipline, sphere and activity
Most students of politics are familiar with Carl Schmitt’s definition of politics as a friend–enemy distinction. Yet, only few know of alternative conceptions of politics in interwar Germany that emphasize cooperation and legality over confrontation and decisionism. To unlock such views, this article examines the work of Hermann Heller, a social-democratic constitutional theorist, and takes a close look at his conceptualization of politics as a s…
Compulsory voting and right-wing populism: Mobilisation, Representation and Socioeconomic Inequalities
When all citizens vote, the influence of radical parties decreases. Despite this being a central justification for compulsory voting in the past, it has been absent from contemporary debates. I examine the normative and empirical premises of the ‘moderation thesis’ in relation to radical right-wing populist parties today and suggest that, under certain conditions, compulsory voting can limit these parties’ appeal. First, it replaces the excessive…
Herman Heller on Democratic Self-defence: Militant Democracy Revisited
The politics of voter presence
By focusing only on the composition of representative bodies, the traditional ‘politics of presence’ approach has inadvertently diminished the value of participation for representation. It overlooks that there exist ‘elite voters’ who reinforce discrimination against abstainers at the policy level and create obstacles for improving the lives of the marginalized. We offer a remedy to persisting patterns of political exclusion by arguing in favour …
Allotted chambers as defenders of democracy
In this paper, we identify a problem—the problem of which actors should serve as defenders of democracy—and propose a solution to that problem—the creation of randomly selected citizen bodies, or allotted chambers (hereafter ACs).1 Having in place institutions that are tasked with democratic self-defense, is, we argue, a critically important pillar of democratic government, but its importance has often been neglected. This neglect is exacerbated …
How not to respond to populism
Although the nature and definition of populism are a source of considerable disagreement, there seems to be a minimal consensus by now that populism poses a number of threats to liberal democracy, and that public authorities should therefore act in defence of the latter. In searching for appropriate responses, however, most scholars draw from strategies for combatting anti-democratic or extremist parties, without considering the important differe…
Making Constituencies: Representation as Mobilization in Mass Democracy by Lisa Jane Disch
Jerome Slater's book impressively counters Abba Eban's profoundly false meme that the Arabs "never missed an opportunity to miss an opportunity."In Israeli parlance, Slater contends that hahefech hu hanachon ("the opposite is the case").Though exploiting only English-language secondary sources, he uses
No representation without taxation: Which political parties support contributivism and how
Contributivism refers to the principle of conditioning rights to political participation on economic and other contributions. Access to citizenship and voting rights for immigrants often requires ‘doing something for’ the host society, which is usually measured in material terms. The limited research on ‘contributivism’ to date has focused on laws, norms, and public opinion. Little is known about the politics of contributivism, the positions of d…
Beyond right and wrong: On the conditionality of dirty hands
Dirty Hands theorists disagree about how agents should resolve a high-cost moral dilemma, but their disagreement is partly because they tend to discuss widely different cases of a broad and heterogeneous phenomenon. Moralists are typically concerned with problems that often involve an agent who is under coercion and is asked to engage in an activity that will cause severe and certain harm to individuals. Realists, on the other hand, base their ob…
Responses to Populism: Militant, Tolerant, and Social
What should we do about populism? In recent years, this question has become more urgent as populist leaders and parties have taken center stage in many countries across the globe. No longer a “minor” political phenomenon, populism has forced scholars to grapple with how to address its potential “threat” to “liberal democracy while also harnessing its “corrective” properties (Rovira Kaltwasser 2012). In this debate, the two questions of who “we” a…
Democratic self-defence as a dirty hands problem
“Dirty hands” is a problem in political ethics that emerges when political actors, faced with urgent circumstances, engage in moral wrongdoing to better serve the public interest. Does containing autocrats justify morally troubling actions akin to dirty hands, and if so, under what conditions? One example is militant democracy, where restrictions on individual rights are considered justified to block antidemocratic actors, but are morally harmful…
Law (19 works) · Political science (19 works) · Politics (19 works) · Law (17 works) · Democracy (14 works) · Sociology (14 works) · Political economy (11 works) · Law and economics (10 works) · Militant (7 works) · Populism, Right-Wing Movements (7 works)