Clayton Nall
Biographic Data
| ID | 1471155 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Clayton Nall |
| GIVEN NAMES | Clayton |
| FAMILY NAME | Nall |
| SIGNATURE | NALL C |
| AFFILIATIONS | Stanford University |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-5312-9607 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 11 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 287 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 11 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2009 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2025 |
| H-INDEX | 7 |
Can Economic Fact-Checking Remedy Incorrect Beliefs About Housing Markets
Supply skepticism is the widely held belief that building more market-rate housing does not help reduce housing prices. Why is supply skepticism a problem, and what is likely to be publicly engaged scholars’ best approach to correcting it? Been et al. have been the leading scholars bringing attention to the phenomenon, and have compiled new economic evidence that increasingly demonstrates that market-rate housing construction reduces housing pric…
The Folk Economics of Housing
Why is housing supply so severely restricted in US cities and suburbs? Urban economists offer two primary hypotheses: homeowner self-interest and political fragmentation. Homeowners, who outnumber and have organizational advantages over renters, are said to lobby against development to protect their property values. The fragmentation hypothesis emphasizes that development's negative externalities are borne locally while most of the benefits accru…
Current research overstates American support for political violence
Political scientists, pundits, and citizens worry that America is entering a new period of violent partisan conflict. Provocative survey data show that a large share of Americans (between 8% and 40%) support politically motivated violence. Yet, despite media attention, political violence is rare, amounting to a little more than 1% of violent hate crimes in the United States. We reconcile these seemingly conflicting facts with four large survey ex…
Where Self-Interest Trumps Ideology: Liberal Homeowners and Local Opposition to Housing Development
How much does self-interest drive Americans' policy attitudes? Survey research typically finds that self-interest's role is minimal. Such conclusions are typically reached by examining attitudes toward federal policies that present diffuse costs and low stakes. We consider a starker test case of self-interest: controversies surrounding development of dense and affordable housing in Americans' communities. Liberal homeowners, especially, must cope…
Obstacles to Estimating Voter ID Laws’ Effect on Turnout
Widespread concern that voter identification laws suppress turnout among racial and ethnic minorities has made empirical evaluations of these laws crucial. But problems with administrative records and survey data impede such evaluations. We replicate and extend Hajnal, Lajevardi, and Nielson's 2017 article, which concludes that voter ID laws decrease turnout among minorities, using validated turnout data from five national surveys conducted betwe…
Paths of Recruitment: Rational Social Prospecting in Petition Canvassing
Petition canvassers are political recruiters. Building upon the rational prospector model, we theorize that rational recruiting strategies are dynamic (Bayesian and time‐conscious), spatial (constrained by geography), and social (conditioned on relations between canvasser and prospect). Our theory predicts that canvassers will exhibit homophily in their canvassing preferences and will alternate between “door‐to‐door” and “attractor” (working in a…
Why Partisans Do Not Sort: The Constraints on Political Segregation
Social divisions between American partisans are growing, with Republicans and Democrats exhibiting homophily in a range of seemingly nonpolitical domains. It has been widely claimed that this partisan social divide extends to Americans' decisions about where to live. In two original survey experiments, we confirm that Democrats are, in fact, more likely than Republicans to prefer living in more Democratic, dense, and racially diverse places. Howe…
The Primacy of Race in the Geography of Income‐Based Voting: New Evidence from Public Voting Records
Why does the relationship between income and partisanship vary across U.S. regions? Some answers to this question have focused on economic context (in poorer environments, economics is more salient), whereas others have focused on racial context (in racially diverse areas, richer voters oppose the party favoring redistribution). Using 73 million geocoded registration records and 185,000 geocoded precinct returns, we examine income‐based voting ac…
The Political Consequences of Spatial Policies: How Interstate Highways Facilitated Geographic Polarization
In the postwar era, Democratic voters have become increasingly more likely than Republican voters to live in urban counties. Public policies that shape geographic space have been a major contributor to this geographic polarization. This article examines the effect of the Interstate Highway System, the largest public works project in American history, on this phenomenon. Drawing on a database of US highway construction since the passage of 1956 hi…
The Complications of Controlling Agency Time Discretion: FDA Review Deadlines and Postmarket Drug Safety
Public agencies have discretion on the time domain, and politicians deploy numerous policy instruments to constrain it. Yet little is known about how administrative procedures that affect timing also affect the quality of agency decisions. We examine whether administrative deadlines shape decision timing and the observed quality of decisions. Using a unique and rich dataset of FDA drug approvals that allows us to examine decision timing and quali…
Public policy for the poor? A randomised assessment of the Mexican universal health insurance programme
Why Partisans Do Not Sort: The Constraints on Political Segregation
Social divisions between American partisans are growing, with Republicans and Democrats exhibiting homophily in a range of seemingly nonpolitical domains. It has been widely claimed that this partisan social divide extends to Americans' decisions about where to live. In two original survey experiments, we confirm that Democrats are, in fact, more likely than Republicans to prefer living in more Democratic, dense, and racially diverse places. Howe…
Obstacles to Estimating Voter ID Laws’ Effect on Turnout
Widespread concern that voter identification laws suppress turnout among racial and ethnic minorities has made empirical evaluations of these laws crucial. But problems with administrative records and survey data impede such evaluations. We replicate and extend Hajnal, Lajevardi, and Nielson's 2017 article, which concludes that voter ID laws decrease turnout among minorities, using validated turnout data from five national surveys conducted betwe…
Where Self-Interest Trumps Ideology: Liberal Homeowners and Local Opposition to Housing Development
How much does self-interest drive Americans' policy attitudes? Survey research typically finds that self-interest's role is minimal. Such conclusions are typically reached by examining attitudes toward federal policies that present diffuse costs and low stakes. We consider a starker test case of self-interest: controversies surrounding development of dense and affordable housing in Americans' communities. Liberal homeowners, especially, must cope…
The Political Consequences of Spatial Policies: How Interstate Highways Facilitated Geographic Polarization
In the postwar era, Democratic voters have become increasingly more likely than Republican voters to live in urban counties. Public policies that shape geographic space have been a major contributor to this geographic polarization. This article examines the effect of the Interstate Highway System, the largest public works project in American history, on this phenomenon. Drawing on a database of US highway construction since the passage of 1956 hi…
The Primacy of Race in the Geography of Income‐Based Voting: New Evidence from Public Voting Records
Why does the relationship between income and partisanship vary across U.S. regions? Some answers to this question have focused on economic context (in poorer environments, economics is more salient), whereas others have focused on racial context (in racially diverse areas, richer voters oppose the party favoring redistribution). Using 73 million geocoded registration records and 185,000 geocoded precinct returns, we examine income‐based voting ac…
The Complications of Controlling Agency Time Discretion: FDA Review Deadlines and Postmarket Drug Safety
Public agencies have discretion on the time domain, and politicians deploy numerous policy instruments to constrain it. Yet little is known about how administrative procedures that affect timing also affect the quality of agency decisions. We examine whether administrative deadlines shape decision timing and the observed quality of decisions. Using a unique and rich dataset of FDA drug approvals that allows us to examine decision timing and quali…
Paths of Recruitment: Rational Social Prospecting in Petition Canvassing
Petition canvassers are political recruiters. Building upon the rational prospector model, we theorize that rational recruiting strategies are dynamic (Bayesian and time‐conscious), spatial (constrained by geography), and social (conditioned on relations between canvasser and prospect). Our theory predicts that canvassers will exhibit homophily in their canvassing preferences and will alternate between “door‐to‐door” and “attractor” (working in a…
The Folk Economics of Housing
Why is housing supply so severely restricted in US cities and suburbs? Urban economists offer two primary hypotheses: homeowner self-interest and political fragmentation. Homeowners, who outnumber and have organizational advantages over renters, are said to lobby against development to protect their property values. The fragmentation hypothesis emphasizes that development's negative externalities are borne locally while most of the benefits accru…
Public policy for the poor? A randomised assessment of the Mexican universal health insurance programme
The Complications of Controlling Agency Time Discretion: FDA Review Deadlines and Postmarket Drug Safety
Public agencies have discretion on the time domain, and politicians deploy numerous policy instruments to constrain it. Yet little is known about how administrative procedures that affect timing also affect the quality of agency decisions. We examine whether administrative deadlines shape decision timing and the observed quality of decisions. Using a unique and rich dataset of FDA drug approvals that allows us to examine decision timing and quali…
The Political Consequences of Spatial Policies: How Interstate Highways Facilitated Geographic Polarization
In the postwar era, Democratic voters have become increasingly more likely than Republican voters to live in urban counties. Public policies that shape geographic space have been a major contributor to this geographic polarization. This article examines the effect of the Interstate Highway System, the largest public works project in American history, on this phenomenon. Drawing on a database of US highway construction since the passage of 1956 hi…
The Primacy of Race in the Geography of Income‐Based Voting: New Evidence from Public Voting Records
Why does the relationship between income and partisanship vary across U.S. regions? Some answers to this question have focused on economic context (in poorer environments, economics is more salient), whereas others have focused on racial context (in racially diverse areas, richer voters oppose the party favoring redistribution). Using 73 million geocoded registration records and 185,000 geocoded precinct returns, we examine income‐based voting ac…
Why Partisans Do Not Sort: The Constraints on Political Segregation
Social divisions between American partisans are growing, with Republicans and Democrats exhibiting homophily in a range of seemingly nonpolitical domains. It has been widely claimed that this partisan social divide extends to Americans' decisions about where to live. In two original survey experiments, we confirm that Democrats are, in fact, more likely than Republicans to prefer living in more Democratic, dense, and racially diverse places. Howe…
Obstacles to Estimating Voter ID Laws’ Effect on Turnout
Widespread concern that voter identification laws suppress turnout among racial and ethnic minorities has made empirical evaluations of these laws crucial. But problems with administrative records and survey data impede such evaluations. We replicate and extend Hajnal, Lajevardi, and Nielson's 2017 article, which concludes that voter ID laws decrease turnout among minorities, using validated turnout data from five national surveys conducted betwe…
Paths of Recruitment: Rational Social Prospecting in Petition Canvassing
Petition canvassers are political recruiters. Building upon the rational prospector model, we theorize that rational recruiting strategies are dynamic (Bayesian and time‐conscious), spatial (constrained by geography), and social (conditioned on relations between canvasser and prospect). Our theory predicts that canvassers will exhibit homophily in their canvassing preferences and will alternate between “door‐to‐door” and “attractor” (working in a…
Where Self-Interest Trumps Ideology: Liberal Homeowners and Local Opposition to Housing Development
How much does self-interest drive Americans' policy attitudes? Survey research typically finds that self-interest's role is minimal. Such conclusions are typically reached by examining attitudes toward federal policies that present diffuse costs and low stakes. We consider a starker test case of self-interest: controversies surrounding development of dense and affordable housing in Americans' communities. Liberal homeowners, especially, must cope…
Current research overstates American support for political violence
Political scientists, pundits, and citizens worry that America is entering a new period of violent partisan conflict. Provocative survey data show that a large share of Americans (between 8% and 40%) support politically motivated violence. Yet, despite media attention, political violence is rare, amounting to a little more than 1% of violent hate crimes in the United States. We reconcile these seemingly conflicting facts with four large survey ex…
Can Economic Fact-Checking Remedy Incorrect Beliefs About Housing Markets
Supply skepticism is the widely held belief that building more market-rate housing does not help reduce housing prices. Why is supply skepticism a problem, and what is likely to be publicly engaged scholars’ best approach to correcting it? Been et al. have been the leading scholars bringing attention to the phenomenon, and have compiled new economic evidence that increasingly demonstrates that market-rate housing construction reduces housing pric…
The Folk Economics of Housing
Why is housing supply so severely restricted in US cities and suburbs? Urban economists offer two primary hypotheses: homeowner self-interest and political fragmentation. Homeowners, who outnumber and have organizational advantages over renters, are said to lobby against development to protect their property values. The fragmentation hypothesis emphasizes that development's negative externalities are borne locally while most of the benefits accru…
Political science (9 works) · Law (7 works) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (6 works) · Law (6 works) · Politics (6 works) · Economics (5 works) · Sociology (4 works) · Economic growth (3 works) · Political economy (3 works) · Business (2 works)