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Aaron John Spitzer

Biographic Data

ID148097
NAMEAaron John Spitzer
GIVEN NAMESAaron John
FAMILY NAMESpitzer
SIGNATURESPITZER A J
AFFILIATIONSUniversity of Bergen
ORCID0000-0002-8542-0236
VERIFIEDYes
TOTAL WORKS13
TOTAL CITATIONS12
AUTHOR COUNT13
EDITOR COUNT0
FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR2018
LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR2026
H-INDEX2
  • Representation by proxy? The democratic inclusion of youth and migrants

    Open Access•Jana Belschner, Ingrid Kvåle Faleide et al.•ARTICLE•European Journal of Political…•2026

    Several groups in democratic polities are legally excluded from voting. Are they thus also excluded from democratic representation? In this article, we focus on the political inclusion of underage youth and migrants. We theorize that proxy representation of their interests might occur through two mechanisms: mechanical or solidarity representation. Drawing on parallel citizen and politician surveys in 14 countries ( N citizens = 27,465; N nationa…

  • Contested Frontiers: Indigenous Power, Settler Rights and the Re-Constitution of Federal Territories

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Canadian Journal of Political…•2025•References: 32

    Australia, Canada and the United States are settler-colonial federations comprising two types of federal units. The first are states/provinces: full, permanent federal partners, securely settler controlled. The second are territories. Historically, territories were “partners in waiting,” slated for federal incorporation once settlers achieved control of the jurisdiction, outnumbering and disempowering Indigenous peoples. The “rights revolution” m…

  • Conceptualizing the Legitimacy of Non-Transitional Truth Commissions: Norway and Canada Compared

    Open Access•Elin Skaar, Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Nordic Journal of Human Rights•2024•Cited by: 1

    Recent years have seen a new trend in the transitional justice field, as Western democracies establish truth commissions (TCs) to address harms against Indigenous and national-minority populations. The first, most prominent, and now archetypal of these “non-transitional” TCs emerged in Canada. The most recent have been in the Nordic countries, with Norway leading the way. We suggest that to be effective, these TCs face a distinctive challenge: se…

  • A Sami land‐claims settlement? Assessing Norway's Finnmark Act in a comparative perspective

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer, Per Selle•ARTICLE•Scandinavian Political Studies•2023•References: 11

    The Sami, the Indigenous peoples of Fennoscandia, assert ownership‐, use‐, and management‐rights to their traditional lands. Norway's 2005 Finnmark Act is the only legislation so far to broadly respond to those assertions. How to interpret the act has long been contested, and is now the subject of a legal case before Norway's Supreme Court. Despite parallels between the land‐rights assertions of Sami and those of Indigenous peoples elsewhere, and…

  • The settler-rights backlash: Understanding liberal challenges to Indigenous self-determination

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Territory Politics Governance•2022•Cited by: 3•References: 13

    In the archetypal settler-colonial states of the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, Indigenous peoples have joined the ‘rights revolution’, pressing for self-determination. They have been met by a ‘settler-rights backlash’, contraposing settler and Indigenous rights. This article makes two contributions. First, it presents a scoping study of settler-rights challenges in Anglo-settler states, revealing the extent and means of the se…

  • Approaching the boundary problem: Self-determination, inclusion, and the unpuzzling of transboundary conflicts

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Journal of International…•2021•Cited by: 1•References: 15

    In recent decades, decisionmakers have increasingly faced conflicts juxtaposing demands for self-determination and inclusion. Political theorists term this juxtaposition “the boundary problem.” They have offered normative solutions, especially for “just inclusion,” proposing what states owe to exogenous individuals like migrants and refugees. Meanwhile, as I show, legal scholars have developed parallel observations regarding what I term “just exc…

  • Is Nonterritorial Autonomy Wrong for Indigenous Rights? Examining the ‘Territorialisation’ of Sami Power in Norway

    Aaron John Spitzer, Per Selle•ARTICLE•International Journal on Minority…•2020

    Nonterritorial autonomy ( nta ) decouples governance of ‘people’ and ‘place’, allowing demographically submerged minorities to protect their cultural – but not territorial – interests. Indigenous peoples are often submerged and culturally vulnerable. At the same time, they are often especially interested in protecting the territories that have long sustained them. So, is nta well-suited or ill-suited for Indigenous self-governance? To explore thi…

  • Colonizing the demos? Settler rights, Indigenous sovereignty, and the contested ‘structure of governance’ in Canada’s North

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Settler Colonial Studies•2019

    Settler-colonialism can consist of a struggle over the pre-political ‘structure of governance’ – over who composes the demos and how decisions should be made. This article examines two lawsuits where settlers contested the Indigenous structure of governance in Canada’s Northwest Territories. I show that in both cases settlers brandished a novel ‘tool of elimination,’ individual rights to voting, mobility and expression. I trace how settlers used …

  • Claims-Based Co-management in Norway's Arctic? Examining Sami Land Governance as a Case of Treaty Federalism–Erratum

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer, Per Selle•ARTICLE•Canadian Journal of Political…•2019

  • Claims-Based Co-management in Norway's Arctic? Examining Sami Land Governance as a Case of Treaty Federalism

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer, Per Selle•ARTICLE•Canadian Journal of Political…•2019•Cited by: 3•References: 15

    Around the world, Indigenous peoples seek increased control of traditional lands. In northern Canada, such control may be afforded by claims-based co-management regimes. Such regimes are a common, and sometimes celebrated, component of treaty federalism. In Norway, Europe's only Indigenous people, the Sami, now participate in a land-management regime: the Finnmark Estate (FeFo). We explore whether FeFo is, in effect, claims-based co-management an…

  • Constituting settler colonialism: The 'boundary problem', liberal equality, and settler state-making in Australia's Northern Territory

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Postcolonial Studies•2019•Cited by: 1

    Between Indigenous sovereignty and settler colonisation lie contested frontiers. I suggest Australia’s Northern Territory is one such frontier. This paper explores the 1998 settler campaign for Northern Territory statehood, the key to which was the framing of a constitution designed to eliminate Indigenous autonomy and empower settlers. I make three contributions. First, I showcase how settler colonialism is metapolitical, implicating political t…

  • A wolf in sheep's clothing: Settler voting rights and the elimination of the Indigenous demos in US Pacific territories

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Postcolonial Studies•2019•Cited by: 2

    Settler colonialism eliminates Indigenous sovereignty, enthrones itself, and thereby makes Indigenous land ‘ours’. It may do this meta-politically, by absorbing ‘them’ into ‘us’. This article explores three recent lawsuits brought by settlers against Indigenous demoi in US Pacific territories. I show that in each lawsuit, settlers brandished a novel ‘tool of elimination’: individual voting rights. I trace how settlers wielded this tool to deliver…

  • Reconciling Shared Rule: Liberal Theory, Electoral-Districting Law and “National Group” Representation in Canada

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Canadian Journal of Political…•2018•Cited by: 1•References: 24

    Canada, like all representative democracies, apportions representation to individuals; also, like all federal states, it accords polity-based representation to federal subunits. But Canada is additionally a consociational state, comprising three constitutionally recognized “national groups”: anglophones, francophones and Indigenous peoples. These groups share power and bear rights beyond the bounds of the federal system. In recent decades, Indige…

  • The settler-rights backlash: Understanding liberal challenges to Indigenous self-determination

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Territory Politics Governance•2022•Cited by: 3•References: 13

    In the archetypal settler-colonial states of the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, Indigenous peoples have joined the ‘rights revolution’, pressing for self-determination. They have been met by a ‘settler-rights backlash’, contraposing settler and Indigenous rights. This article makes two contributions. First, it presents a scoping study of settler-rights challenges in Anglo-settler states, revealing the extent and means of the se…

  • Claims-Based Co-management in Norway's Arctic? Examining Sami Land Governance as a Case of Treaty Federalism

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer, Per Selle•ARTICLE•Canadian Journal of Political…•2019•Cited by: 3•References: 15

    Around the world, Indigenous peoples seek increased control of traditional lands. In northern Canada, such control may be afforded by claims-based co-management regimes. Such regimes are a common, and sometimes celebrated, component of treaty federalism. In Norway, Europe's only Indigenous people, the Sami, now participate in a land-management regime: the Finnmark Estate (FeFo). We explore whether FeFo is, in effect, claims-based co-management an…

  • A wolf in sheep's clothing: Settler voting rights and the elimination of the Indigenous demos in US Pacific territories

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Postcolonial Studies•2019•Cited by: 2

    Settler colonialism eliminates Indigenous sovereignty, enthrones itself, and thereby makes Indigenous land ‘ours’. It may do this meta-politically, by absorbing ‘them’ into ‘us’. This article explores three recent lawsuits brought by settlers against Indigenous demoi in US Pacific territories. I show that in each lawsuit, settlers brandished a novel ‘tool of elimination’: individual voting rights. I trace how settlers wielded this tool to deliver…

  • Conceptualizing the Legitimacy of Non-Transitional Truth Commissions: Norway and Canada Compared

    Open Access•Elin Skaar, Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Nordic Journal of Human Rights•2024•Cited by: 1

    Recent years have seen a new trend in the transitional justice field, as Western democracies establish truth commissions (TCs) to address harms against Indigenous and national-minority populations. The first, most prominent, and now archetypal of these “non-transitional” TCs emerged in Canada. The most recent have been in the Nordic countries, with Norway leading the way. We suggest that to be effective, these TCs face a distinctive challenge: se…

  • Approaching the boundary problem: Self-determination, inclusion, and the unpuzzling of transboundary conflicts

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Journal of International…•2021•Cited by: 1•References: 15

    In recent decades, decisionmakers have increasingly faced conflicts juxtaposing demands for self-determination and inclusion. Political theorists term this juxtaposition “the boundary problem.” They have offered normative solutions, especially for “just inclusion,” proposing what states owe to exogenous individuals like migrants and refugees. Meanwhile, as I show, legal scholars have developed parallel observations regarding what I term “just exc…

  • Constituting settler colonialism: The 'boundary problem', liberal equality, and settler state-making in Australia's Northern Territory

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Postcolonial Studies•2019•Cited by: 1

    Between Indigenous sovereignty and settler colonisation lie contested frontiers. I suggest Australia’s Northern Territory is one such frontier. This paper explores the 1998 settler campaign for Northern Territory statehood, the key to which was the framing of a constitution designed to eliminate Indigenous autonomy and empower settlers. I make three contributions. First, I showcase how settler colonialism is metapolitical, implicating political t…

  • Reconciling Shared Rule: Liberal Theory, Electoral-Districting Law and “National Group” Representation in Canada

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Canadian Journal of Political…•2018•Cited by: 1•References: 24

    Canada, like all representative democracies, apportions representation to individuals; also, like all federal states, it accords polity-based representation to federal subunits. But Canada is additionally a consociational state, comprising three constitutionally recognized “national groups”: anglophones, francophones and Indigenous peoples. These groups share power and bear rights beyond the bounds of the federal system. In recent decades, Indige…

  • Reconciling Shared Rule: Liberal Theory, Electoral-Districting Law and “National Group” Representation in Canada

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Canadian Journal of Political…•2018•Cited by: 1•References: 24

    Canada, like all representative democracies, apportions representation to individuals; also, like all federal states, it accords polity-based representation to federal subunits. But Canada is additionally a consociational state, comprising three constitutionally recognized “national groups”: anglophones, francophones and Indigenous peoples. These groups share power and bear rights beyond the bounds of the federal system. In recent decades, Indige…

  • Colonizing the demos? Settler rights, Indigenous sovereignty, and the contested ‘structure of governance’ in Canada’s North

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Settler Colonial Studies•2019

    Settler-colonialism can consist of a struggle over the pre-political ‘structure of governance’ – over who composes the demos and how decisions should be made. This article examines two lawsuits where settlers contested the Indigenous structure of governance in Canada’s Northwest Territories. I show that in both cases settlers brandished a novel ‘tool of elimination,’ individual rights to voting, mobility and expression. I trace how settlers used …

  • Claims-Based Co-management in Norway's Arctic? Examining Sami Land Governance as a Case of Treaty Federalism–Erratum

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer, Per Selle•ARTICLE•Canadian Journal of Political…•2019

  • Claims-Based Co-management in Norway's Arctic? Examining Sami Land Governance as a Case of Treaty Federalism

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer, Per Selle•ARTICLE•Canadian Journal of Political…•2019•Cited by: 3•References: 15

    Around the world, Indigenous peoples seek increased control of traditional lands. In northern Canada, such control may be afforded by claims-based co-management regimes. Such regimes are a common, and sometimes celebrated, component of treaty federalism. In Norway, Europe's only Indigenous people, the Sami, now participate in a land-management regime: the Finnmark Estate (FeFo). We explore whether FeFo is, in effect, claims-based co-management an…

  • Constituting settler colonialism: The 'boundary problem', liberal equality, and settler state-making in Australia's Northern Territory

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Postcolonial Studies•2019•Cited by: 1

    Between Indigenous sovereignty and settler colonisation lie contested frontiers. I suggest Australia’s Northern Territory is one such frontier. This paper explores the 1998 settler campaign for Northern Territory statehood, the key to which was the framing of a constitution designed to eliminate Indigenous autonomy and empower settlers. I make three contributions. First, I showcase how settler colonialism is metapolitical, implicating political t…

  • A wolf in sheep's clothing: Settler voting rights and the elimination of the Indigenous demos in US Pacific territories

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Postcolonial Studies•2019•Cited by: 2

    Settler colonialism eliminates Indigenous sovereignty, enthrones itself, and thereby makes Indigenous land ‘ours’. It may do this meta-politically, by absorbing ‘them’ into ‘us’. This article explores three recent lawsuits brought by settlers against Indigenous demoi in US Pacific territories. I show that in each lawsuit, settlers brandished a novel ‘tool of elimination’: individual voting rights. I trace how settlers wielded this tool to deliver…

  • Is Nonterritorial Autonomy Wrong for Indigenous Rights? Examining the ‘Territorialisation’ of Sami Power in Norway

    Aaron John Spitzer, Per Selle•ARTICLE•International Journal on Minority…•2020

    Nonterritorial autonomy ( nta ) decouples governance of ‘people’ and ‘place’, allowing demographically submerged minorities to protect their cultural – but not territorial – interests. Indigenous peoples are often submerged and culturally vulnerable. At the same time, they are often especially interested in protecting the territories that have long sustained them. So, is nta well-suited or ill-suited for Indigenous self-governance? To explore thi…

  • Approaching the boundary problem: Self-determination, inclusion, and the unpuzzling of transboundary conflicts

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Journal of International…•2021•Cited by: 1•References: 15

    In recent decades, decisionmakers have increasingly faced conflicts juxtaposing demands for self-determination and inclusion. Political theorists term this juxtaposition “the boundary problem.” They have offered normative solutions, especially for “just inclusion,” proposing what states owe to exogenous individuals like migrants and refugees. Meanwhile, as I show, legal scholars have developed parallel observations regarding what I term “just exc…

  • The settler-rights backlash: Understanding liberal challenges to Indigenous self-determination

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Territory Politics Governance•2022•Cited by: 3•References: 13

    In the archetypal settler-colonial states of the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, Indigenous peoples have joined the ‘rights revolution’, pressing for self-determination. They have been met by a ‘settler-rights backlash’, contraposing settler and Indigenous rights. This article makes two contributions. First, it presents a scoping study of settler-rights challenges in Anglo-settler states, revealing the extent and means of the se…

  • A Sami land‐claims settlement? Assessing Norway's Finnmark Act in a comparative perspective

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer, Per Selle•ARTICLE•Scandinavian Political Studies•2023•References: 11

    The Sami, the Indigenous peoples of Fennoscandia, assert ownership‐, use‐, and management‐rights to their traditional lands. Norway's 2005 Finnmark Act is the only legislation so far to broadly respond to those assertions. How to interpret the act has long been contested, and is now the subject of a legal case before Norway's Supreme Court. Despite parallels between the land‐rights assertions of Sami and those of Indigenous peoples elsewhere, and…

  • Conceptualizing the Legitimacy of Non-Transitional Truth Commissions: Norway and Canada Compared

    Open Access•Elin Skaar, Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Nordic Journal of Human Rights•2024•Cited by: 1

    Recent years have seen a new trend in the transitional justice field, as Western democracies establish truth commissions (TCs) to address harms against Indigenous and national-minority populations. The first, most prominent, and now archetypal of these “non-transitional” TCs emerged in Canada. The most recent have been in the Nordic countries, with Norway leading the way. We suggest that to be effective, these TCs face a distinctive challenge: se…

  • Contested Frontiers: Indigenous Power, Settler Rights and the Re-Constitution of Federal Territories

    Open Access•Aaron John Spitzer•ARTICLE•Canadian Journal of Political…•2025•References: 32

    Australia, Canada and the United States are settler-colonial federations comprising two types of federal units. The first are states/provinces: full, permanent federal partners, securely settler controlled. The second are territories. Historically, territories were “partners in waiting,” slated for federal incorporation once settlers achieved control of the jurisdiction, outnumbering and disempowering Indigenous peoples. The “rights revolution” m…

  • Representation by proxy? The democratic inclusion of youth and migrants

    Open Access•Jana Belschner, Ingrid Kvåle Faleide et al.•ARTICLE•European Journal of Political…•2026

    Several groups in democratic polities are legally excluded from voting. Are they thus also excluded from democratic representation? In this article, we focus on the political inclusion of underage youth and migrants. We theorize that proxy representation of their interests might occur through two mechanisms: mechanical or solidarity representation. Drawing on parallel citizen and politician surveys in 14 countries ( N citizens = 27,465; N nationa…

Law (11 works) · Political science (11 works) · Indigenous (10 works) · Law (9 works) · Politics (9 works) · Sociology (9 works) · Indigenous rights (7 works) · Indigenous Health, Education, and Rights (5 works) · Canadian Identity and History (4 works) · Colonialism (4 works)

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