Ekaterina Lyutikova
Biographic Data
| ID | 1498854 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Ekaterina Lyutikova |
| GIVEN NAMES | Ekaterina |
| FAMILY NAME | Lyutikova |
| SIGNATURE | LYUTIKOVA E |
| AFFILIATIONS | Lomonosov Moscow State University |
| ORCID | 0000-0003-4439-0613 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 22 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 1 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 22 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2013 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 1 |
Long-Distance Agreement in Khwarshi
In this article, I discuss long-distance agreement (LDA) in Tsezic languages (Northeast Caucasian). Taking Polinsky and Potsdam’s (2001) analysis of Tsez LDA as a starting point, I explore LDA configurations in closely related Khwarshi. I show that Khwarshi differs from Tsez in that it allows for recursive LDA. In addition, Khwarshi lacks information-structural constraints on the agreeing embedded absolutive that are attested in Tsez. The choice …
From theoretical problems to experimental data and back
[Review of
Adjectival predicates in finite and non-finite clauses
The paper explores the distribution of various adjectival predicates (short form adjectives, long form adjectives in the nominative or instrumental case and passive participles) in Russian finite and non-finite clauses. Two factors turn out to determine the availability of adjectival predicates: (i) the type of the subject (overt DP vs. A-trace vs. PRO) and (ii) the case feature of the subject (nominative vs. other cases). Crucially, adjectival p…
Studying agreement variation in Russian
This paper opens the issue compiling a series of experimental studies on variable agreement in Russian. The agreement variation is not integrated into grammatical models due to the lack of any systematic approach to collecting data on the effect size and scope of relevant grammatical factors. We discuss methodological problems related to the study of agreement variability, and present case studies published in the special issue. We show that one …
Towards a formal model of Differential Object Marking in Tatar
In this paper, we examine Differential Object Marking in Tatar building on Baker’s recent classification of Differential Object Marking across languages as derived either via object shift (Hindi), pseudo-noun-incorporation (Tamil), or both (Sakha). We argue that the seemingly similar phenomenon in Tatar cannot be accounted for by either object shift or pseudo-noun-incorporation. Specifically, we show that accusative objects need not appear in the…
Relative construction in Hittite
The paper proposes a novel structural analysis of Hittite determinate relative clauses on the basis of a corpus study considering a wider and fuller array of Hittite data than ever before. In Hittite, relative wh -phrases attest a wide range of linear positions: first/initial, clause-second, immediately preverbal or even postverbal. We build upon the current assumption that wh -pronouns are clitics and thus their placement is determined by the sy…
Negative Concord and locality in Russian
This article addresses locality conditions on Negative Concord (NC) in Russian. We examine long-distance licensing of “negative” ni -pronouns in subject- and object-control infinitives. Existing theories of negative concord rely in one way or another on the movement of negative concord items (NCI): either as a direct licensing condition, or as a prerequisite for entering a local configuration with the licensor. Consequently, theories predict that…
Person Agreement with Anaphors
In this paper, I present evidence for variable agreement with anaphors in Tatar. I show that inflected reflexives trigger co-varying person agreement as DP/nominalization subjects and as complements of postpositions, which appears to contradict the generalization on the anaphor agreement effect (AAE). At the same time, inflected reciprocals induce 3p agreement on external targets. These data are puzzling in two aspects. First, it is unclear how t…
The structural representation of ergativity in Northeast Caucasian
The paper discusses the syntactic mechanisms underlying morphological ergativity in Khwarshi (Tsezic / Northeast Caucasian) and argues for a structural representation of the functional opposition of case forms — absolutive vs. other grammatical cases (including the ergative) vs. semantic cases — found in Northeast Caucasian languages. Specifi cally, it shows that the Khwarshi ergative DP is best analyzed as structurally case-marked, thus providin…
Typology of ergativity and grammatical asymmetries in Daghestanian
The paper proposes a parametric analysis of grammatical asymmetries in Daghestanian languages. In this linguistic family, morphological ergativity is accompanied by non-consistent grammatical asymmentries exhibited by various syntactic operations. I demonstrate that this inconsistency can be accounted for under assumption that the internal structure of case-marked argumental nominals and hierarchical c-command relations are the two major paramete…
Aleksandr Kibrik’s scientific school
The paper presents the “field biography” of Aleksandr E. Kibrik – the outstanding Russian linguist, the founder of the national school of field linguistics. Kibrik’s 1967–2008 field studies of unwritten languages of Russia, most particularly of Daghestanian languages, including Archi, Khinalug, Godoberi, Bagwalal and Tsakhur, are outlined. Description and documentation of languages fundamentally differing from the Standard Average European in the…
Deriving preverbal position in a verb-final language
The paper presents an analysis of clause structure in Hittite, a coherently head-final language with SOV word order and an elaborated preverbal position hosting various functional elements of the clause. We argue that the best approach to capturing these phenomena is to assume a universally right-branching structure coupled with phrasal movement driven by selectional feature checking under adjacency of relevant heads
Active Participles in Hittite
The paper reassesses the evidence for active transitive participles in Hittite and suggests that they are in reality formed from the unergative class of intransitive verbs
Information structure in syntactic derivation
Case marking in Russian eventive nominalizations
Configurational case in a parametric model
Nominalization and the problem of indirect access
We examine aspect, eventuality type and transitivity alternations in two types of nominalization in Ossetian, an Iranian language spoken in East Caucasus, focusing on how deverbal nominals differ from fully inflected clauses projected by the same VPs. The main empirical finding of the study is: nominalizations exhibit a wider range of syntactic and semantic possibilities than fully inflected clauses. The finite verb in Ossetian is either perfecti…
Differential argument marking
The Tatar DP
In this paper, we reconsider whether article-less languages have the DP projection, focusing on Tatar. We argue that putative correlations between the presence/absence of articles in a language and various DP-external phenomena (e.g. Left-Branch Extraction, superiority effects, and others), discussed by Bošković and Şener (2014), inter alia, do not hold if a broader range of languages is considered more carefully. Instead, we show that certain co…
Elucidating Nominal Structure in Articleless Languages
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt:The central question addressed by this paper is whether languages without articles have the same highly articulated functional architecture in noun phrases, including the DP projection. Pereltsvaig (2006, 2007, 2013) argued that while some nominals in Russian and other articleless Slavic languages are DPs, others are Small Nominals (SNs) of different sizes. In this paper, we provide novel evidence f…
Complex predicates, eventivity, and causative-inchoative alternation
Person Agreement with Anaphors
In this paper, I present evidence for variable agreement with anaphors in Tatar. I show that inflected reflexives trigger co-varying person agreement as DP/nominalization subjects and as complements of postpositions, which appears to contradict the generalization on the anaphor agreement effect (AAE). At the same time, inflected reciprocals induce 3p agreement on external targets. These data are puzzling in two aspects. First, it is unclear how t…
Elucidating Nominal Structure in Articleless Languages
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt:The central question addressed by this paper is whether languages without articles have the same highly articulated functional architecture in noun phrases, including the DP projection. Pereltsvaig (2006, 2007, 2013) argued that while some nominals in Russian and other articleless Slavic languages are DPs, others are Small Nominals (SNs) of different sizes. In this paper, we provide novel evidence f…
Complex predicates, eventivity, and causative-inchoative alternation
The Tatar DP
In this paper, we reconsider whether article-less languages have the DP projection, focusing on Tatar. We argue that putative correlations between the presence/absence of articles in a language and various DP-external phenomena (e.g. Left-Branch Extraction, superiority effects, and others), discussed by Bošković and Şener (2014), inter alia, do not hold if a broader range of languages is considered more carefully. Instead, we show that certain co…
Nominalization and the problem of indirect access
We examine aspect, eventuality type and transitivity alternations in two types of nominalization in Ossetian, an Iranian language spoken in East Caucasus, focusing on how deverbal nominals differ from fully inflected clauses projected by the same VPs. The main empirical finding of the study is: nominalizations exhibit a wider range of syntactic and semantic possibilities than fully inflected clauses. The finite verb in Ossetian is either perfecti…
Differential argument marking
Configurational case in a parametric model
Case marking in Russian eventive nominalizations
Information structure in syntactic derivation
Typology of ergativity and grammatical asymmetries in Daghestanian
The paper proposes a parametric analysis of grammatical asymmetries in Daghestanian languages. In this linguistic family, morphological ergativity is accompanied by non-consistent grammatical asymmentries exhibited by various syntactic operations. I demonstrate that this inconsistency can be accounted for under assumption that the internal structure of case-marked argumental nominals and hierarchical c-command relations are the two major paramete…
Aleksandr Kibrik’s scientific school
The paper presents the “field biography” of Aleksandr E. Kibrik – the outstanding Russian linguist, the founder of the national school of field linguistics. Kibrik’s 1967–2008 field studies of unwritten languages of Russia, most particularly of Daghestanian languages, including Archi, Khinalug, Godoberi, Bagwalal and Tsakhur, are outlined. Description and documentation of languages fundamentally differing from the Standard Average European in the…
Deriving preverbal position in a verb-final language
The paper presents an analysis of clause structure in Hittite, a coherently head-final language with SOV word order and an elaborated preverbal position hosting various functional elements of the clause. We argue that the best approach to capturing these phenomena is to assume a universally right-branching structure coupled with phrasal movement driven by selectional feature checking under adjacency of relevant heads
Active Participles in Hittite
The paper reassesses the evidence for active transitive participles in Hittite and suggests that they are in reality formed from the unergative class of intransitive verbs
The structural representation of ergativity in Northeast Caucasian
The paper discusses the syntactic mechanisms underlying morphological ergativity in Khwarshi (Tsezic / Northeast Caucasian) and argues for a structural representation of the functional opposition of case forms — absolutive vs. other grammatical cases (including the ergative) vs. semantic cases — found in Northeast Caucasian languages. Specifi cally, it shows that the Khwarshi ergative DP is best analyzed as structurally case-marked, thus providin…
Studying agreement variation in Russian
This paper opens the issue compiling a series of experimental studies on variable agreement in Russian. The agreement variation is not integrated into grammatical models due to the lack of any systematic approach to collecting data on the effect size and scope of relevant grammatical factors. We discuss methodological problems related to the study of agreement variability, and present case studies published in the special issue. We show that one …
Towards a formal model of Differential Object Marking in Tatar
In this paper, we examine Differential Object Marking in Tatar building on Baker’s recent classification of Differential Object Marking across languages as derived either via object shift (Hindi), pseudo-noun-incorporation (Tamil), or both (Sakha). We argue that the seemingly similar phenomenon in Tatar cannot be accounted for by either object shift or pseudo-noun-incorporation. Specifically, we show that accusative objects need not appear in the…
Relative construction in Hittite
The paper proposes a novel structural analysis of Hittite determinate relative clauses on the basis of a corpus study considering a wider and fuller array of Hittite data than ever before. In Hittite, relative wh -phrases attest a wide range of linear positions: first/initial, clause-second, immediately preverbal or even postverbal. We build upon the current assumption that wh -pronouns are clitics and thus their placement is determined by the sy…
Negative Concord and locality in Russian
This article addresses locality conditions on Negative Concord (NC) in Russian. We examine long-distance licensing of “negative” ni -pronouns in subject- and object-control infinitives. Existing theories of negative concord rely in one way or another on the movement of negative concord items (NCI): either as a direct licensing condition, or as a prerequisite for entering a local configuration with the licensor. Consequently, theories predict that…
Person Agreement with Anaphors
In this paper, I present evidence for variable agreement with anaphors in Tatar. I show that inflected reflexives trigger co-varying person agreement as DP/nominalization subjects and as complements of postpositions, which appears to contradict the generalization on the anaphor agreement effect (AAE). At the same time, inflected reciprocals induce 3p agreement on external targets. These data are puzzling in two aspects. First, it is unclear how t…
From theoretical problems to experimental data and back
[Review of
Adjectival predicates in finite and non-finite clauses
The paper explores the distribution of various adjectival predicates (short form adjectives, long form adjectives in the nominative or instrumental case and passive participles) in Russian finite and non-finite clauses. Two factors turn out to determine the availability of adjectival predicates: (i) the type of the subject (overt DP vs. A-trace vs. PRO) and (ii) the case feature of the subject (nominative vs. other cases). Crucially, adjectival p…
Long-Distance Agreement in Khwarshi
In this article, I discuss long-distance agreement (LDA) in Tsezic languages (Northeast Caucasian). Taking Polinsky and Potsdam’s (2001) analysis of Tsez LDA as a starting point, I explore LDA configurations in closely related Khwarshi. I show that Khwarshi differs from Tsez in that it allows for recursive LDA. In addition, Khwarshi lacks information-structural constraints on the agreeing embedded absolutive that are attested in Tsez. The choice …
Linguistics (20 works) · Philosophy (20 works) · Computer Science (17 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (14 works) · Mathematics (9 works) · Artificial Intelligence (6 works) · Linguistics and language evolution (6 works) · Syntax (6 works) · Natural language processing (5 works) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (5 works)