Omer Preminger
Biographic Data
| ID | 1499162 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Omer Preminger |
| GIVEN NAMES | Omer |
| FAMILY NAME | Preminger |
| SIGNATURE | PREMINGER O |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Maryland, College Park |
| ORCID | 0000-0003-2148-9741 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 9 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 124 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 9 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2009 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2020 |
| H-INDEX | 4 |
Functional structure in the noun phrase
This paper revisits Ritter’s (1991) findings concerning Hebrew nominals in light of recent arguments that nominal phrases are headed by the noun itself (rather than enclosed in functional structure), and shows that the force of Ritter’s argument is as strong as it ever was. It provides strong evidence in favor of functional structure above the projection of the noun itself
Case in Sakha
Agreement and Its Failures
A novel proposal regarding predicate-argument agreement that combines detailed empirical investigation with rigorous theoretical discussion. In this book, Omer Preminger investigates how the obligatory nature of predicate-argument agreement is enforced by the grammar. Preminger argues that an empirically adequate theory of predicate-argument agreement requires recourse to an operation, whose obligatoriness is a grammatical primitive not reducible…
The role of case in A-bar extraction asymmetries
Many morphologically ergative languages display asymmetries in the extraction of core arguments: while absolutive arguments (transitive objects and intransitive subjects) extract freely, ergative arguments (transitive subjects) cannot. This falls under the label "syntactic ergativity" (see, e.g. Dixon 1972, 1994; Manning 1996; Polinsky to appear(b)). These extraction asymmetries are found in many languages of the Mayan family, where in order to e…
That's not how you agree
In a recent paper, Zeijlstra (2012) argues that the theory of agreement should be revised so that the direction of valuation would always be downward: the element that contributes the value (e.g. in the case of predicate-argument agreement in φ-features, the nominal) would be required to c-command the element that receives its value derivatively (e.g. the verb or tense/aspect/mood marker) – rather than the other way around, as standardly assumed.…
The absence of an implicit object in unergatives
Asymmetries between person and number in syntax
Failure to agree is not a failure
Based on the patterns of phi -agreement with post-verbal subjects in Hebrew, I argue against the idea that failure to establish a phi -agreement relation between a phi -probe and its putative target (e.g., due to intervention) results in ungrammaticality, or a “crash”; at the same time, I demonstrate that phi -agreement also cannot be optional. At first glance, these two claims—that phi -agreement is neither optional, nor does its failure result …
Breaking Agreements
In this article, I propose a novel way to distinguish between agreement and clitic doubling. The innovation lies in examining what happens when the relation between the relevant agreement morphology and the full noun phrase fails to obtain: whether the agreement morpheme still shows up, bearing default φ-features, or disappears altogether. The workings of the proposed diagnostic are demonstrated using a family of constructions in "substandard" Ba…
Breaking Agreements
In this article, I propose a novel way to distinguish between agreement and clitic doubling. The innovation lies in examining what happens when the relation between the relevant agreement morphology and the full noun phrase fails to obtain: whether the agreement morpheme still shows up, bearing default φ-features, or disappears altogether. The workings of the proposed diagnostic are demonstrated using a family of constructions in "substandard" Ba…
The role of case in A-bar extraction asymmetries
Many morphologically ergative languages display asymmetries in the extraction of core arguments: while absolutive arguments (transitive objects and intransitive subjects) extract freely, ergative arguments (transitive subjects) cannot. This falls under the label "syntactic ergativity" (see, e.g. Dixon 1972, 1994; Manning 1996; Polinsky to appear(b)). These extraction asymmetries are found in many languages of the Mayan family, where in order to e…
Case in Sakha
The absence of an implicit object in unergatives
Failure to agree is not a failure
Based on the patterns of phi -agreement with post-verbal subjects in Hebrew, I argue against the idea that failure to establish a phi -agreement relation between a phi -probe and its putative target (e.g., due to intervention) results in ungrammaticality, or a “crash”; at the same time, I demonstrate that phi -agreement also cannot be optional. At first glance, these two claims—that phi -agreement is neither optional, nor does its failure result …
Breaking Agreements
In this article, I propose a novel way to distinguish between agreement and clitic doubling. The innovation lies in examining what happens when the relation between the relevant agreement morphology and the full noun phrase fails to obtain: whether the agreement morpheme still shows up, bearing default φ-features, or disappears altogether. The workings of the proposed diagnostic are demonstrated using a family of constructions in "substandard" Ba…
Asymmetries between person and number in syntax
The absence of an implicit object in unergatives
That's not how you agree
In a recent paper, Zeijlstra (2012) argues that the theory of agreement should be revised so that the direction of valuation would always be downward: the element that contributes the value (e.g. in the case of predicate-argument agreement in φ-features, the nominal) would be required to c-command the element that receives its value derivatively (e.g. the verb or tense/aspect/mood marker) – rather than the other way around, as standardly assumed.…
Agreement and Its Failures
A novel proposal regarding predicate-argument agreement that combines detailed empirical investigation with rigorous theoretical discussion. In this book, Omer Preminger investigates how the obligatory nature of predicate-argument agreement is enforced by the grammar. Preminger argues that an empirically adequate theory of predicate-argument agreement requires recourse to an operation, whose obligatoriness is a grammatical primitive not reducible…
The role of case in A-bar extraction asymmetries
Many morphologically ergative languages display asymmetries in the extraction of core arguments: while absolutive arguments (transitive objects and intransitive subjects) extract freely, ergative arguments (transitive subjects) cannot. This falls under the label "syntactic ergativity" (see, e.g. Dixon 1972, 1994; Manning 1996; Polinsky to appear(b)). These extraction asymmetries are found in many languages of the Mayan family, where in order to e…
Case in Sakha
Functional structure in the noun phrase
This paper revisits Ritter’s (1991) findings concerning Hebrew nominals in light of recent arguments that nominal phrases are headed by the noun itself (rather than enclosed in functional structure), and shows that the force of Ritter’s argument is as strong as it ever was. It provides strong evidence in favor of functional structure above the projection of the noun itself
Linguistics (8 works) · Philosophy (8 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (8 works) · Computer Science (7 works) · Mathematics (6 works) · Agreement (3 works) · Epistemology (3 works) · Language, Discourse, Communication Strategies (3 works) · Phonetics and Phonology Research (3 works) · Psychology (3 works)