Irina Burukina
Biographic Data
| ID | 1569366 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Irina Burukina |
| GIVEN NAMES | Irina |
| FAMILY NAME | Burukina |
| SIGNATURE | BURUKINA I |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Florida |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-8537-8931 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 11 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 2 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 11 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2020 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 1 |
Corpora in the time of Cholera: The pandemic’s effects on language documentation
This article presents a documentation project aimed at creating an open‐access corpus of Patzún Kaqchikel, an endangered Mayan language spoken in Chimaltenango, Guatemala. Started in 2019 in collaboration with the Patzún Women’s Cooperative Aj Su’m, the project originally sought to produce a trilingual (Kaqchikel–Spanish–English) book of recipes and oral histories. The COVID‐19 pandemic and subsequent travel restrictions forced us to pivot and pr…
Deriving composite roles in syntax
As its starting point, this article examines the distribution of dative argument-like dependents in Russian, which often alternate with PPs headed by the preposition u ‘at’. It addresses the question of whether the various interpretations of these phrases instantiate syntactically motivated ambiguity or pragmatically resolved vagueness. We demonstrate that all relevant readings can be derived syntactically in a uniform way that makes use of and c…
Transitivity in flux: The role of Voice and v in the syntax of Dutch (change-of-)location verbs
Dutch location and change-of-location verbs exhibit seemingly contradictory properties, with characteristics of transitives and unaccusatives mixed. While base verbs like vallen ‘fall’ are unaccusative, some of their particle and prepositional derivatives (binnen+vallen ‘invade’, aan+vallen ‘attack’, over+vallen ‘raid’) are transitive, licensing direct objects and forming personal passives. These derivatives, however, do not form a homogeneous gr…
Lexical P or functional Mood? Grammatical categories and mechanisms of clausal adjunction
The paper discusses mechanisms of clausal adjunction, that is, transforming a clause into a modifier with a specific interpretation (purpose, temporal, causal, etc.). It focuses on infinitival rationale clauses in Mari (Uralic), which can be headed simultaneously by a marker identical to the dative postposition (lan) and a complementizer (manən). Although in line with the popular P- approach to clausal adjunction (e.g., Landau 2021), analyzing la…
The antipassive and verbal projections
This paper presents and analyzes antipassive constructions in the Mayan language Kaqchikel. Through various syntactic tests, we show that antipassive constructions differ from both active transitive and Agent Focus structures in that they do not syntactically project a DP-sized object. Thus, we should think of antipassives as a type of unergative. When an object seems to disappear or become less important in an antipassive, this is not a special …
A ‘big DP’ analysis of Russian copular constructions with èto
This paper develops a novel analysis of èto copular constructions in Russian. First, we address ‘NOMpre èto NOMpost’ constructions, where NOM is a nominative noun phrase. We propose that there are two predication relations established in such clauses: one on the clausal level, with NOMpost being the subject of predication, and another one within the constituent headed by èto. The latter, we argue, constitutes a ‘big DP’: it contains NOMpre in the…
External merge in spec,CP: Complementizers projecting an argument
The standard assumption that spec,CP is always an A′ position has been questioned for several languages where embedded C heads are involved in agreement and case assignment; however, the idea that no XP can be introduced in spec,CP by external merge has remained unchallenged. The article presents novel data from control phenomena in Mari (Uralic; nominative, SOV) and argues that, in this language, a particular type of C head is capable of themati…
Patterns of deverbal nominalization in Kaqchikel
The paper provides an overview of productive patterns of deverbal nominalization in Kaqchikel (Mayan; ergative, VOS/SVO). Adopting the universal typology for deverbal nominals developed by J. Grimshaw, H. Borer, and K. Moulton, we demonstrate that, while in English and other well-studied languages of Europe the same morpheme is often used to create all kinds of deverbal nouns, Kaqchikel clearly disambiguates between the three cases: complex event…
On the nature of arguments in event nominals
The present paper examines deverbal event nouns in Kaqchikel (Mayan) that consist of both nominal and verbal projections. Contrary to the recent proposal made by Imanishi (2020), who argues that nominalized verbs in Kaqchikel obligatorily lack an external argument projection, we demonstrate that intransitive unergative predicates maintain their external arguments under nominalization. We further propose that event -ik nouns in Kaqchikel are deriv…
Profile of reflexives in Hill Mari
The paper provides a detailed examination of reflexive strategies in the Kuznetsovo dialect of Hill Mari (Mari, Uralic) filling in an existing gap in the description of anaphoric elements in Uralic languages. Firstly, I focus on simple lexical reflexives derived from the stem ( ə̈ ) škə̈- . Having examined their morphosyntactic and binding properties, I adopt several typological classifications and approach the Hill Mari data from a cross-linguis…
Mandative verbs and deontic modals in Russian: Between obligatory control and overt embedded subjects
The paper presents and examines a previously undescribed puzzle concerning the syntactic distribution of Russian mandative verbs (velet’ ‘order’, razrešit’ ‘allow’) and non-verbal deontic modals: these predicates exhibit dual behavior as they embed non-finite clauses with either implicit obligatorily controlled (PRO) or overt referential (DP) subjects. The ambiguity holds for the same native speakers and no detectable difference in terms of the T…
The antipassive and verbal projections
This paper presents and analyzes antipassive constructions in the Mayan language Kaqchikel. Through various syntactic tests, we show that antipassive constructions differ from both active transitive and Agent Focus structures in that they do not syntactically project a DP-sized object. Thus, we should think of antipassives as a type of unergative. When an object seems to disappear or become less important in an antipassive, this is not a special …
External merge in spec,CP: Complementizers projecting an argument
The standard assumption that spec,CP is always an A′ position has been questioned for several languages where embedded C heads are involved in agreement and case assignment; however, the idea that no XP can be introduced in spec,CP by external merge has remained unchallenged. The article presents novel data from control phenomena in Mari (Uralic; nominative, SOV) and argues that, in this language, a particular type of C head is capable of themati…
Mandative verbs and deontic modals in Russian: Between obligatory control and overt embedded subjects
The paper presents and examines a previously undescribed puzzle concerning the syntactic distribution of Russian mandative verbs (velet’ ‘order’, razrešit’ ‘allow’) and non-verbal deontic modals: these predicates exhibit dual behavior as they embed non-finite clauses with either implicit obligatorily controlled (PRO) or overt referential (DP) subjects. The ambiguity holds for the same native speakers and no detectable difference in terms of the T…
On the nature of arguments in event nominals
The present paper examines deverbal event nouns in Kaqchikel (Mayan) that consist of both nominal and verbal projections. Contrary to the recent proposal made by Imanishi (2020), who argues that nominalized verbs in Kaqchikel obligatorily lack an external argument projection, we demonstrate that intransitive unergative predicates maintain their external arguments under nominalization. We further propose that event -ik nouns in Kaqchikel are deriv…
Profile of reflexives in Hill Mari
The paper provides a detailed examination of reflexive strategies in the Kuznetsovo dialect of Hill Mari (Mari, Uralic) filling in an existing gap in the description of anaphoric elements in Uralic languages. Firstly, I focus on simple lexical reflexives derived from the stem ( ə̈ ) škə̈- . Having examined their morphosyntactic and binding properties, I adopt several typological classifications and approach the Hill Mari data from a cross-linguis…
Patterns of deverbal nominalization in Kaqchikel
The paper provides an overview of productive patterns of deverbal nominalization in Kaqchikel (Mayan; ergative, VOS/SVO). Adopting the universal typology for deverbal nominals developed by J. Grimshaw, H. Borer, and K. Moulton, we demonstrate that, while in English and other well-studied languages of Europe the same morpheme is often used to create all kinds of deverbal nouns, Kaqchikel clearly disambiguates between the three cases: complex event…
External merge in spec,CP: Complementizers projecting an argument
The standard assumption that spec,CP is always an A′ position has been questioned for several languages where embedded C heads are involved in agreement and case assignment; however, the idea that no XP can be introduced in spec,CP by external merge has remained unchallenged. The article presents novel data from control phenomena in Mari (Uralic; nominative, SOV) and argues that, in this language, a particular type of C head is capable of themati…
A ‘big DP’ analysis of Russian copular constructions with èto
This paper develops a novel analysis of èto copular constructions in Russian. First, we address ‘NOMpre èto NOMpost’ constructions, where NOM is a nominative noun phrase. We propose that there are two predication relations established in such clauses: one on the clausal level, with NOMpost being the subject of predication, and another one within the constituent headed by èto. The latter, we argue, constitutes a ‘big DP’: it contains NOMpre in the…
The antipassive and verbal projections
This paper presents and analyzes antipassive constructions in the Mayan language Kaqchikel. Through various syntactic tests, we show that antipassive constructions differ from both active transitive and Agent Focus structures in that they do not syntactically project a DP-sized object. Thus, we should think of antipassives as a type of unergative. When an object seems to disappear or become less important in an antipassive, this is not a special …
Corpora in the time of Cholera: The pandemic’s effects on language documentation
This article presents a documentation project aimed at creating an open‐access corpus of Patzún Kaqchikel, an endangered Mayan language spoken in Chimaltenango, Guatemala. Started in 2019 in collaboration with the Patzún Women’s Cooperative Aj Su’m, the project originally sought to produce a trilingual (Kaqchikel–Spanish–English) book of recipes and oral histories. The COVID‐19 pandemic and subsequent travel restrictions forced us to pivot and pr…
Deriving composite roles in syntax
As its starting point, this article examines the distribution of dative argument-like dependents in Russian, which often alternate with PPs headed by the preposition u ‘at’. It addresses the question of whether the various interpretations of these phrases instantiate syntactically motivated ambiguity or pragmatically resolved vagueness. We demonstrate that all relevant readings can be derived syntactically in a uniform way that makes use of and c…
Transitivity in flux: The role of Voice and v in the syntax of Dutch (change-of-)location verbs
Dutch location and change-of-location verbs exhibit seemingly contradictory properties, with characteristics of transitives and unaccusatives mixed. While base verbs like vallen ‘fall’ are unaccusative, some of their particle and prepositional derivatives (binnen+vallen ‘invade’, aan+vallen ‘attack’, over+vallen ‘raid’) are transitive, licensing direct objects and forming personal passives. These derivatives, however, do not form a homogeneous gr…
Lexical P or functional Mood? Grammatical categories and mechanisms of clausal adjunction
The paper discusses mechanisms of clausal adjunction, that is, transforming a clause into a modifier with a specific interpretation (purpose, temporal, causal, etc.). It focuses on infinitival rationale clauses in Mari (Uralic), which can be headed simultaneously by a marker identical to the dative postposition (lan) and a complementizer (manən). Although in line with the popular P- approach to clausal adjunction (e.g., Landau 2021), analyzing la…
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (10 works) · Linguistics (7 works) · Philosophy (7 works) · Computer Science (5 works) · Linguistic Variation and Morphology (5 works) · Mathematics (5 works) · Syntax (4 works) · Psychology (3 works) · Employee Welfare and Language Studies (2 works) · Generalization (2 works)