Einar Freyr Sigurðsson
Biographic Data
| ID | 1610179 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Einar Freyr Sigurðsson |
| GIVEN NAMES | Einar Freyr |
| FAMILY NAME | Sigurðsson |
| SIGNATURE | SIGURÐSSON E F |
| AFFILIATIONS | Árni Magnússon Institute for Icelandic Studies |
| ORCID | 0009-0005-2783-9388 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 6 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 12 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 6 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2012 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2023 |
| H-INDEX | 2 |
The dual face of structural object case
We analyze genitive of negation (GN) in Lithuanian. When the verb is negated, GN is realized on an object that would otherwise be realized as accusative. We demonstrate that Lithuanian GN is a syntactic (in line with Arkadiev 2016) and morphological phenomenon in contrast to Russian GN, whose realization is influenced by semantic factors (e.g. Kagan 2013). It differs from Russian (Pesetsky 1982) in that (i) it is always assigned to a DP which wou…
Hvor 'Each' Reciprocals and Distributives in Icelandic
We discuss remarkable constructions in Icelandic that have the distributive pronoun hvor 'each' in common: the reciprocal construction hvor annar 'each other', and the distributive construction hvor sinn 'each their', which also comes in a sinn hvor 'their each' version. We provide the first detailed description of these constructions, in particular their case and word order properties, which raise recalcitrant puzzles, and then we discuss what t…
On the Implicit Argument of Icelandic Indirect Causatives
The goal of this article is to understand the syntax of Icelandic indirect causatives (ICs), especially with respect to the implicit causee. We show that the complement of the causative verb must be at least as large as a VoiceP, and that it shares some properties with active VoicePs and others with passive VoicePs. We make sense of this state of affairs by proposing that the causee, while phonetically silent, has an explicit syntactic representa…
Cyclic cliticization in Icelandic
This squib discusses the clitic DU ( -du/-ðu/-tu ) in Icelandic and compares it with other reduced forms of personal pronouns, such as ’ann (for hann ‘he’) and ’ún (for hún ‘she’). We show that there are various restrictions found on DU which are not found on other reduced forms of personal pronouns in Icelandic. We argue that whereas reduced forms such as ’ann and ’ ún are morphophonologically conditioned, DU is syntactically conditioned; it is …
Case mismatching in Icelandic clausal ellipsis
In this article, we take a detailed look at clausal ellipsis in Icelandic, a hitherto understudied phenomenon. We focus on case-matching and case-mismatching facts in fragment responses. We argue that although case matching is the norm, constrained instances of case mis matching strongly suggest that there must be silent structure in the ellipsis site, and some syntactic identity condition. We outline these patterns in detail, and provide an anal…
Case alternations in Icelandic ‘get’-passives
The analysis of ‘get’-passives across Germanic poses a number of challenges to our understanding of valency alternations: they exhibit surprising case alternations and recalcitrant thematic properties (Alexiadou 2012, Alexiadou, Anagnostopoulou & Sevdali to appear). In this article, we present novel data on ‘get’-passives in Icelandic; while Icelandic has played an important role in our understanding of case marking and valency alternations, ‘get…
On the Implicit Argument of Icelandic Indirect Causatives
The goal of this article is to understand the syntax of Icelandic indirect causatives (ICs), especially with respect to the implicit causee. We show that the complement of the causative verb must be at least as large as a VoiceP, and that it shares some properties with active VoicePs and others with passive VoicePs. We make sense of this state of affairs by proposing that the causee, while phonetically silent, has an explicit syntactic representa…
Hvor 'Each' Reciprocals and Distributives in Icelandic
We discuss remarkable constructions in Icelandic that have the distributive pronoun hvor 'each' in common: the reciprocal construction hvor annar 'each other', and the distributive construction hvor sinn 'each their', which also comes in a sinn hvor 'their each' version. We provide the first detailed description of these constructions, in particular their case and word order properties, which raise recalcitrant puzzles, and then we discuss what t…
The dual face of structural object case
We analyze genitive of negation (GN) in Lithuanian. When the verb is negated, GN is realized on an object that would otherwise be realized as accusative. We demonstrate that Lithuanian GN is a syntactic (in line with Arkadiev 2016) and morphological phenomenon in contrast to Russian GN, whose realization is influenced by semantic factors (e.g. Kagan 2013). It differs from Russian (Pesetsky 1982) in that (i) it is always assigned to a DP which wou…
Case mismatching in Icelandic clausal ellipsis
In this article, we take a detailed look at clausal ellipsis in Icelandic, a hitherto understudied phenomenon. We focus on case-matching and case-mismatching facts in fragment responses. We argue that although case matching is the norm, constrained instances of case mis matching strongly suggest that there must be silent structure in the ellipsis site, and some syntactic identity condition. We outline these patterns in detail, and provide an anal…
Case alternations in Icelandic ‘get’-passives
The analysis of ‘get’-passives across Germanic poses a number of challenges to our understanding of valency alternations: they exhibit surprising case alternations and recalcitrant thematic properties (Alexiadou 2012, Alexiadou, Anagnostopoulou & Sevdali to appear). In this article, we present novel data on ‘get’-passives in Icelandic; while Icelandic has played an important role in our understanding of case marking and valency alternations, ‘get…
Cyclic cliticization in Icelandic
This squib discusses the clitic DU ( -du/-ðu/-tu ) in Icelandic and compares it with other reduced forms of personal pronouns, such as ’ann (for hann ‘he’) and ’ún (for hún ‘she’). We show that there are various restrictions found on DU which are not found on other reduced forms of personal pronouns in Icelandic. We argue that whereas reduced forms such as ’ann and ’ ún are morphophonologically conditioned, DU is syntactically conditioned; it is …
Case mismatching in Icelandic clausal ellipsis
In this article, we take a detailed look at clausal ellipsis in Icelandic, a hitherto understudied phenomenon. We focus on case-matching and case-mismatching facts in fragment responses. We argue that although case matching is the norm, constrained instances of case mis matching strongly suggest that there must be silent structure in the ellipsis site, and some syntactic identity condition. We outline these patterns in detail, and provide an anal…
Hvor 'Each' Reciprocals and Distributives in Icelandic
We discuss remarkable constructions in Icelandic that have the distributive pronoun hvor 'each' in common: the reciprocal construction hvor annar 'each other', and the distributive construction hvor sinn 'each their', which also comes in a sinn hvor 'their each' version. We provide the first detailed description of these constructions, in particular their case and word order properties, which raise recalcitrant puzzles, and then we discuss what t…
On the Implicit Argument of Icelandic Indirect Causatives
The goal of this article is to understand the syntax of Icelandic indirect causatives (ICs), especially with respect to the implicit causee. We show that the complement of the causative verb must be at least as large as a VoiceP, and that it shares some properties with active VoicePs and others with passive VoicePs. We make sense of this state of affairs by proposing that the causee, while phonetically silent, has an explicit syntactic representa…
The dual face of structural object case
We analyze genitive of negation (GN) in Lithuanian. When the verb is negated, GN is realized on an object that would otherwise be realized as accusative. We demonstrate that Lithuanian GN is a syntactic (in line with Arkadiev 2016) and morphological phenomenon in contrast to Russian GN, whose realization is influenced by semantic factors (e.g. Kagan 2013). It differs from Russian (Pesetsky 1982) in that (i) it is always assigned to a DP which wou…
Linguistics (6 works) · Philosophy (6 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (6 works) · Icelandic (5 works) · Computer Science (4 works) · Mathematics (4 works) · Verb (4 works) · Linguistic Variation and Morphology (3 works) · Linguistics and language evolution (3 works) · Philosophy (3 works)