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Nicholas Longenbaugh

Biographic Data

ID1610220
NAMENicholas Longenbaugh
GIVEN NAMESNicholas
FAMILY NAMELongenbaugh
SIGNATURELONGENBAUGH N
AFFILIATIONSMIT
VERIFIEDNo
TOTAL WORKS3
TOTAL CITATIONS1
AUTHOR COUNT3
EDITOR COUNT0
FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR2018
LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR2020
H-INDEX1
  • Against Tanglewood by Focus Movement: A Reply to Erlewine and Kotek 2018

    Itai Bassi, Nicholas Longenbaugh•ARTICLE•Linguistic Inquiry•2020

    We reply to Erlewine and Kotek’s (2018) claim that the phenomenon of covariation under focus ( Tanglewood sentences; Kratzer 1991 ) is subject to syntactic islands and that it should therefore be handled by a focus movement theory (contra Kratzer’s view). We present novel data that are at odds with Erlewine and Kotek’s conclusions and demonstrate the necessity of an island-insensitive mechanism to capture focus covariation. We revisit Erlewine an…

  • Agreement Mismatch in Partitive Relatives

    Nicholas Longenbaugh•ARTICLE•Linguistic Inquiry•2019•Cited by: 1•References: 19

    Relative clauses (RCs) at the right edge of partitive DPs tolerate a curious variability in agreement possibilities when the partitive is headed by one.1 I refer to the apparently anomalous singular agreement as agreement mismatch in partitive relatives (AMPR).2I adopt the view that partitive DPs have a silent head noun that is (optionally) elided under identity with the post-prepositional NP (see, e.g., Jackendoff 1977, Cardinaletti and Giusti 1…

  • Equidistance returns

    Nicholas Longenbaugh, Maria Polinsky•ARTICLE•The Linguistic Review•2018

    Modern generative linguistic theory furnishes a variety of general principles that appear to be at work in the grammar of all the world’s languages. One of the most basic and uncontroversial of these principles is that Agree/Move operates according to the constraint Attract Closest , which dictates that the closest suitable goal must be the target for the relevant operation (Rizzi 1990; Chomsky 1995, 2000; Richards 1998). The Polynesian language …

  • Agreement Mismatch in Partitive Relatives

    Nicholas Longenbaugh•ARTICLE•Linguistic Inquiry•2019•Cited by: 1•References: 19

    Relative clauses (RCs) at the right edge of partitive DPs tolerate a curious variability in agreement possibilities when the partitive is headed by one.1 I refer to the apparently anomalous singular agreement as agreement mismatch in partitive relatives (AMPR).2I adopt the view that partitive DPs have a silent head noun that is (optionally) elided under identity with the post-prepositional NP (see, e.g., Jackendoff 1977, Cardinaletti and Giusti 1…

  • Equidistance returns

    Nicholas Longenbaugh, Maria Polinsky•ARTICLE•The Linguistic Review•2018

    Modern generative linguistic theory furnishes a variety of general principles that appear to be at work in the grammar of all the world’s languages. One of the most basic and uncontroversial of these principles is that Agree/Move operates according to the constraint Attract Closest , which dictates that the closest suitable goal must be the target for the relevant operation (Rizzi 1990; Chomsky 1995, 2000; Richards 1998). The Polynesian language …

  • Agreement Mismatch in Partitive Relatives

    Nicholas Longenbaugh•ARTICLE•Linguistic Inquiry•2019•Cited by: 1•References: 19

    Relative clauses (RCs) at the right edge of partitive DPs tolerate a curious variability in agreement possibilities when the partitive is headed by one.1 I refer to the apparently anomalous singular agreement as agreement mismatch in partitive relatives (AMPR).2I adopt the view that partitive DPs have a silent head noun that is (optionally) elided under identity with the post-prepositional NP (see, e.g., Jackendoff 1977, Cardinaletti and Giusti 1…

  • Against Tanglewood by Focus Movement: A Reply to Erlewine and Kotek 2018

    Itai Bassi, Nicholas Longenbaugh•ARTICLE•Linguistic Inquiry•2020

    We reply to Erlewine and Kotek’s (2018) claim that the phenomenon of covariation under focus ( Tanglewood sentences; Kratzer 1991 ) is subject to syntactic islands and that it should therefore be handled by a focus movement theory (contra Kratzer’s view). We present novel data that are at odds with Erlewine and Kotek’s conclusions and demonstrate the necessity of an island-insensitive mechanism to capture focus covariation. We revisit Erlewine an…

Linguistics (3 works) · Mathematics (3 works) · Philosophy (3 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (3 works) · Computer Science (2 works) · Advanced Algebra and Logic (1 works) · Aesthetics (1 works) · Agreement (1 works) · Artificial Intelligence (1 works) · Discrete mathematics (1 works)

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