Nikos Angelopoulos
Biographic Data
| ID | 1610238 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Nikos Angelopoulos |
| GIVEN NAMES | Nikos |
| FAMILY NAME | Angelopoulos |
| SIGNATURE | ANGELOPOULOS N |
| AFFILIATIONS | KU Leuven |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-9962-319X |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 10 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 6 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 10 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2019 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 2 |
On clausal complementation, once more
This paper develops a novel analysis of clausal complementation based on the distribution of Greek declarative clauses introduced by oti and pu . These clauses present three puzzles: (i) they are in complementary distribution after most verbs; (ii) they are licensed as internal arguments and derived subjects but are banned from the external argument position; and (iii) complement pu -clauses impose a previously unnoticed stativity restriction on …
Against distributed deletion
This paper examines a previously unnoticed ‘split’ construction in Greek, where a possessor that originates in a PP occurs together with the P separated from the possessum. I show a correlation between the availability of this split and the interpretation of a PP. This finding poses a challenge to PF-based accounts of splitting, particularly those that assume distributed deletion (e.g., Fanselow and Ćavar 2002; Fanselow and Féry 2006, Bondarenko …
Nominalization of clauses
The Ups and Downs of Pruning
In this response, we critically engage with Paparounas’s (2024) head-adjacency analysis of Greek verbal morphology. While challenging Merchant’s (2015) spanning analysis, Paparounas’s alternative also faces serious shortcomings. Consequently, its novel analytical claims concerning Greek verbal morphology, alongside broader theoretical implications, lose their foundational support. Our critique focuses on Embick’s (2010) Pruning mechanism. In part…
Exploring syntactically encoded evidentiality
The most recent studies on the acquisition of evidentiality, be it morphologically or syntactically encoded, have argued that the comprehension lag detected is due to factors having to do with others’ authority or mental perspective, where “others” stands for other individuals involved in the experiment in various manners (e.g., the experimenter or someone in the props). However, these studies have yet to detect the age at which children eventual…
Treating Greek o eaftos mu as a Regular Anaphor
Binding theory Condition A must be so formulated as to accommodate the range of behaviors exhibited by anaphors crosslinguistically. In this respect, the behavior of the Modern Greek anaphor o eaftos mu is theoretically important, as it has been reported to display a number of unusual distributional properties. This has led to treatments by Iatridou (1988) and Anagnostopoulou and Everaert (1999) different from the treatment of standard anaphors r…
Locality and Intervention in the Acquisition of Greek Relative Clauses
According to the most recent formulation of Relativized Minimality, grammatical features are distinguished between those that are syntactically active and those that are not. Under this view, only the first play a role in the computation of locality. Furthermore, whether a certain feature is +/− syntactically active is determined by language-specific factors. Gender is one of the grammatical features that has been argued to have different values …
Clitic dislocations and clitics in French and Greek
Greek and English passives, and the role of by -phrases
This paper proposes an analysis in which passive by-phrases are merged as the arguments of the active with the corresponding theta roles (Hasegawa 1988; D’Hulst 1992; Mahajan 1994; Goodall 1997; 1999; Caha 2009; Collins 2018a; Roberts 2019; Karlík 2020 and Hallman 2020). The analysis finds support in new data from Greek and English showing that, just like the DP arguments of the active, by-phrases bear the same range of theta roles and can bind a…
Selecting roots
We investigate how saturation of different theta-roles by the non-head constituent correlates with derivational suffixes and, in turn, with the event structures compatible with those suffixes. We also investigate XP realisations of themes, causers and instruments in deverbal nominal and participial constructions and which ±agentive and/or ±process/episodic sub-readings allow which type of argument. It turns out that for each theta-role, the conte…
Clitic dislocations and clitics in French and Greek
Treating Greek o eaftos mu as a Regular Anaphor
Binding theory Condition A must be so formulated as to accommodate the range of behaviors exhibited by anaphors crosslinguistically. In this respect, the behavior of the Modern Greek anaphor o eaftos mu is theoretically important, as it has been reported to display a number of unusual distributional properties. This has led to treatments by Iatridou (1988) and Anagnostopoulou and Everaert (1999) different from the treatment of standard anaphors r…
Selecting roots
We investigate how saturation of different theta-roles by the non-head constituent correlates with derivational suffixes and, in turn, with the event structures compatible with those suffixes. We also investigate XP realisations of themes, causers and instruments in deverbal nominal and participial constructions and which ±agentive and/or ±process/episodic sub-readings allow which type of argument. It turns out that for each theta-role, the conte…
Greek and English passives, and the role of by -phrases
This paper proposes an analysis in which passive by-phrases are merged as the arguments of the active with the corresponding theta roles (Hasegawa 1988; D’Hulst 1992; Mahajan 1994; Goodall 1997; 1999; Caha 2009; Collins 2018a; Roberts 2019; Karlík 2020 and Hallman 2020). The analysis finds support in new data from Greek and English showing that, just like the DP arguments of the active, by-phrases bear the same range of theta roles and can bind a…
Clitic dislocations and clitics in French and Greek
Locality and Intervention in the Acquisition of Greek Relative Clauses
According to the most recent formulation of Relativized Minimality, grammatical features are distinguished between those that are syntactically active and those that are not. Under this view, only the first play a role in the computation of locality. Furthermore, whether a certain feature is +/− syntactically active is determined by language-specific factors. Gender is one of the grammatical features that has been argued to have different values …
Exploring syntactically encoded evidentiality
The most recent studies on the acquisition of evidentiality, be it morphologically or syntactically encoded, have argued that the comprehension lag detected is due to factors having to do with others’ authority or mental perspective, where “others” stands for other individuals involved in the experiment in various manners (e.g., the experimenter or someone in the props). However, these studies have yet to detect the age at which children eventual…
Treating Greek o eaftos mu as a Regular Anaphor
Binding theory Condition A must be so formulated as to accommodate the range of behaviors exhibited by anaphors crosslinguistically. In this respect, the behavior of the Modern Greek anaphor o eaftos mu is theoretically important, as it has been reported to display a number of unusual distributional properties. This has led to treatments by Iatridou (1988) and Anagnostopoulou and Everaert (1999) different from the treatment of standard anaphors r…
Nominalization of clauses
The Ups and Downs of Pruning
In this response, we critically engage with Paparounas’s (2024) head-adjacency analysis of Greek verbal morphology. While challenging Merchant’s (2015) spanning analysis, Paparounas’s alternative also faces serious shortcomings. Consequently, its novel analytical claims concerning Greek verbal morphology, alongside broader theoretical implications, lose their foundational support. Our critique focuses on Embick’s (2010) Pruning mechanism. In part…
On clausal complementation, once more
This paper develops a novel analysis of clausal complementation based on the distribution of Greek declarative clauses introduced by oti and pu . These clauses present three puzzles: (i) they are in complementary distribution after most verbs; (ii) they are licensed as internal arguments and derived subjects but are banned from the external argument position; and (iii) complement pu -clauses impose a previously unnoticed stativity restriction on …
Against distributed deletion
This paper examines a previously unnoticed ‘split’ construction in Greek, where a possessor that originates in a PP occurs together with the P separated from the possessum. I show a correlation between the availability of this split and the interpretation of a PP. This finding poses a challenge to PF-based accounts of splitting, particularly those that assume distributed deletion (e.g., Fanselow and Ćavar 2002; Fanselow and Féry 2006, Bondarenko …
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (9 works) · Computer Science (8 works) · Linguistics (7 works) · Philosophy (6 works) · Neurobiology of Language and Bilingualism (3 works) · Phonetics and Phonology Research (3 works) · Psychology (3 works) · Biology (2 works) · Comprehension (2 works) · Language Development and Disorders (2 works)