Paula Menéndez‐benito
Biographic Data
| ID | 1666293 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Paula Menéndez‐benito |
| GIVEN NAMES | Paula |
| FAMILY NAME | Menéndez‐benito |
| SIGNATURE | BENITO P M |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Göttingen |
| ORCID | 0000-0003-0354-1796 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 8 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 29 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 8 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2010 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2024 |
| H-INDEX | 2 |
Eventive modal projection: The case of Spanish subjunctive relative clauses
How do modal expressions determine which possibilities they range over? According to the Modal Anchor Hypothesis (Kratzer in The language-cognition interface: Actes du 19econgrès international des linguistes, Libraire Droz, Genève, 179-199, 2013), modal expressions determine their domain of quantification from particulars (events, situations, or individuals). This paper presents novel evidence for this hypothesis, focusing on a class of Spanish r…
The evidential future in Italian
This paper provides a systematic description and analysis of the non-predictive use of the Italian future. Several authors claim that, on this use, the Italian future is an evidential (Squartini 2001, Mari 2010, Eckardt and Beltrama 2019, Frana and Menéndez-Benito 2019). Others argue that the non-predictive future does not directly contribute an evidential signal (e.g., Giannakidou and Mari 2018, Farkas and Ippolito 2022). We side with the eviden…
Projecting Possibilities in the Nominal Domain: Spanish Uno Cualquiera
Recent research argues that modal verbs project their domain of quantification from a part of the evaluation world—their ‘modal anchor’ (Hacquard 2006, 2009; Arregui 2009; Kratzer 2009, 2013, 2015). Based on the behaviour of the Spanish modal indefinite uno cualquiera, we contend that modal nominals can do the same. Uno cualquiera contributes modality: Juan cogió una carta cualquiera (‘Juan picked a random card’) conveys that Juan picked a card a…
Indefinites, Dependent Plurality, and the Viability Requirement on Scalar Alternatives
Spanish has two plural existential determiners, unos and algunos, which have been argued to contrast in a number of ways (Gutiérrez-Rexach 2001, 2010; Martí 2008, 2009). In this paper, we analyze an unexplored difference between these two determiners. A sentence like esos chicos tienen unas cabezas grandes (‘those kids have huge heads’) has a dependent plural reading: it can be true in a situation where those kids have exactly one huge head each.…
Two Views on Epistemic Indefinites
Epistemic indefinites are existential determiners that convey ignorance on the part of the speaker. This paper reviews two types of accounts of the semantics and pragmatics of these items. The first one derives the ignorance component as a quantity implicature that arises via competition with alternative domains of quantification (; ; ; ). The second one claims that the ignorance effect comes about because epistemic indefinites impose a shift on …
Domain Restrictions, Modal Implicatures and Plurality: Spanish Algunos
Journal Article Domain Restrictions, Modal Implicatures and Plurality: Spanish Algunos Get access Luis Alonso-Ovalle, Luis Alonso-Ovalle University of Massachusetts Boston LUIS ALONSO-OVALLE, Department of Hispanic Studies, McCormack 4-609, University of Massachusetts Boston, 100 Morrissey Blvd., Boston MA 02125, USA, e-mail: [email protected] Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Paula Menéndez-Benito …
Modal indefinites
Across languages, we find indefinites that trigger modal inferences. This article contributes to a semantic typology of these items by contrasting Spanish algún with indefinites like German irgendein or Italian uno qualsiasi. While irgendein-type indefinites trigger a Free Choice effect (Kratzer and Shimoyama 2002; Chierchia 2006), algún simply signals that at least two individuals in its domain are possibilities. Additionally, algún, but not irg…
On universal Free Choice items
This paper deals with the interpretation and distribution of universal Free Choice (FC) items, such as English FC any or Spanish cualquiera. Crosslinguistically, universal FC items can be characterized as follows. First, they have a restricted distribution. Second, they express freedom of choice: the sentence You can take any card conveys the information that the addressee is free to pick whichever card she chooses. Under standard assumptions, th…
On universal Free Choice items
This paper deals with the interpretation and distribution of universal Free Choice (FC) items, such as English FC any or Spanish cualquiera. Crosslinguistically, universal FC items can be characterized as follows. First, they have a restricted distribution. Second, they express freedom of choice: the sentence You can take any card conveys the information that the addressee is free to pick whichever card she chooses. Under standard assumptions, th…
Modal indefinites
Across languages, we find indefinites that trigger modal inferences. This article contributes to a semantic typology of these items by contrasting Spanish algún with indefinites like German irgendein or Italian uno qualsiasi. While irgendein-type indefinites trigger a Free Choice effect (Kratzer and Shimoyama 2002; Chierchia 2006), algún simply signals that at least two individuals in its domain are possibilities. Additionally, algún, but not irg…
The evidential future in Italian
This paper provides a systematic description and analysis of the non-predictive use of the Italian future. Several authors claim that, on this use, the Italian future is an evidential (Squartini 2001, Mari 2010, Eckardt and Beltrama 2019, Frana and Menéndez-Benito 2019). Others argue that the non-predictive future does not directly contribute an evidential signal (e.g., Giannakidou and Mari 2018, Farkas and Ippolito 2022). We side with the eviden…
Two Views on Epistemic Indefinites
Epistemic indefinites are existential determiners that convey ignorance on the part of the speaker. This paper reviews two types of accounts of the semantics and pragmatics of these items. The first one derives the ignorance component as a quantity implicature that arises via competition with alternative domains of quantification (; ; ; ). The second one claims that the ignorance effect comes about because epistemic indefinites impose a shift on …
Modal indefinites
Across languages, we find indefinites that trigger modal inferences. This article contributes to a semantic typology of these items by contrasting Spanish algún with indefinites like German irgendein or Italian uno qualsiasi. While irgendein-type indefinites trigger a Free Choice effect (Kratzer and Shimoyama 2002; Chierchia 2006), algún simply signals that at least two individuals in its domain are possibilities. Additionally, algún, but not irg…
On universal Free Choice items
This paper deals with the interpretation and distribution of universal Free Choice (FC) items, such as English FC any or Spanish cualquiera. Crosslinguistically, universal FC items can be characterized as follows. First, they have a restricted distribution. Second, they express freedom of choice: the sentence You can take any card conveys the information that the addressee is free to pick whichever card she chooses. Under standard assumptions, th…
Domain Restrictions, Modal Implicatures and Plurality: Spanish Algunos
Journal Article Domain Restrictions, Modal Implicatures and Plurality: Spanish Algunos Get access Luis Alonso-Ovalle, Luis Alonso-Ovalle University of Massachusetts Boston LUIS ALONSO-OVALLE, Department of Hispanic Studies, McCormack 4-609, University of Massachusetts Boston, 100 Morrissey Blvd., Boston MA 02125, USA, e-mail: [email protected] Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Paula Menéndez-Benito …
Indefinites, Dependent Plurality, and the Viability Requirement on Scalar Alternatives
Spanish has two plural existential determiners, unos and algunos, which have been argued to contrast in a number of ways (Gutiérrez-Rexach 2001, 2010; Martí 2008, 2009). In this paper, we analyze an unexplored difference between these two determiners. A sentence like esos chicos tienen unas cabezas grandes (‘those kids have huge heads’) has a dependent plural reading: it can be true in a situation where those kids have exactly one huge head each.…
Two Views on Epistemic Indefinites
Epistemic indefinites are existential determiners that convey ignorance on the part of the speaker. This paper reviews two types of accounts of the semantics and pragmatics of these items. The first one derives the ignorance component as a quantity implicature that arises via competition with alternative domains of quantification (; ; ; ). The second one claims that the ignorance effect comes about because epistemic indefinites impose a shift on …
Projecting Possibilities in the Nominal Domain: Spanish Uno Cualquiera
Recent research argues that modal verbs project their domain of quantification from a part of the evaluation world—their ‘modal anchor’ (Hacquard 2006, 2009; Arregui 2009; Kratzer 2009, 2013, 2015). Based on the behaviour of the Spanish modal indefinite uno cualquiera, we contend that modal nominals can do the same. Uno cualquiera contributes modality: Juan cogió una carta cualquiera (‘Juan picked a random card’) conveys that Juan picked a card a…
The evidential future in Italian
This paper provides a systematic description and analysis of the non-predictive use of the Italian future. Several authors claim that, on this use, the Italian future is an evidential (Squartini 2001, Mari 2010, Eckardt and Beltrama 2019, Frana and Menéndez-Benito 2019). Others argue that the non-predictive future does not directly contribute an evidential signal (e.g., Giannakidou and Mari 2018, Farkas and Ippolito 2022). We side with the eviden…
Eventive modal projection: The case of Spanish subjunctive relative clauses
How do modal expressions determine which possibilities they range over? According to the Modal Anchor Hypothesis (Kratzer in The language-cognition interface: Actes du 19econgrès international des linguistes, Libraire Droz, Genève, 179-199, 2013), modal expressions determine their domain of quantification from particulars (events, situations, or individuals). This paper presents novel evidence for this hypothesis, focusing on a class of Spanish r…
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (7 works) · Computer Science (6 works) · Philosophy (6 works) · Linguistics (5 works) · Epistemology (4 works) · Mathematics (4 works) · Modal (4 works) · Language, Metaphor, and Cognition (3 works) · Metaphysics (3 works) · Philosophy of language (3 works)