Gaëlle Marinthe
Biographic Data
| ID | 1727262 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Gaëlle Marinthe |
| GIVEN NAMES | Gaëlle |
| FAMILY NAME | Marinthe |
| SIGNATURE | MARINTHE G |
| AFFILIATIONS | Université Paris 8 |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-1969-1783 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 13 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 28 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 13 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2019 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 3 |
Navigating social change and social harmony
The Social Identity Model of Collective Action (SIMCA) effectively predicts collective action and social change, but has been less examined in emerging movements and non‐WEIRD contexts. This research had two aims: to test SIMCA during the Gen Z mobilization in Madagascar, a largely online movement that culminated in the overthrow of the government in October 2025; and to examine how SIMCA variables relate to post‐action activism and reconciliatio…
Social judgement of defensive and secure social identities among advantaged and disadvantaged groups
This research integrates social judgement and social identity theories to examine evaluations of defensive (narcissistic) and secure social identity (vs. lack of identification) expressed by targets with varying group statuses (advantaged vs. disadvantaged). Across three studies (total N = 2,915), we manipulated target group status and forms of identity. In socioeconomic groups (Study 1), an advantaged target with a defensive identity was deemed …
Collective action among the extremes? Relations between political ideology, political extremism, emotions, and collective action
Past research has highlighted the central role of ideology and political values in collective action. This research aims to determine whether, in addition to political ideology , political extremism can promote collective action. Arguing that political extremism may promote political activism per se, independently of its ideological content, we hypothesized an asymmetric U‐shaped relationship between political ideology and collective action, with…
When Less Is More
We propose that defensive forms of identity (i.e., nationalism and national narcissism) can harm the nation through a tendency to maximize the difference between own and other groups in resource allocation. We test this hypothesis by adopting a classic social psychological paradigm, the Tajfel’s matrices, to real-life scenarios designed in the COVID-19 context. We captured maximizing the difference as a preference for one’s nation being allocated…
Defensive national identity relates to support for collective violence, in contrast to secure national identity, in a sample of displaced Syrian diaspora members
This paper examines national identities and collective violence beliefs in a sample of Syrian diaspora members (N = 521). Most of the Syria diaspora fled the ongoing civil war and are therefore opposed to President Assad and his regime, which still control most of their homeland. It is therefore a compelling question if national identities, which remain strong in the diaspora despite displacement, shape attitudes towards the regime at home. To th…
Don’t burn our flag
Desecration of national symbols is a recurring societal phenomenon that can lead to highly defensive reactions from some citizens, especially on the part of those expressing a strong attachment to the nation. In this paper, we investigated the effects of blind and constructive patriotism when faced with an ingroup (vs. outgroup) national flag burning on ingroup bias, taking into consideration the mediating role of perceived threat. In two studies…
Mobilising ideas in the Covid-19 pandemic
We tested how well the Identity-Deprivation-Efficacy-Action-Subjective-wellbeing (IDEAS) model predicts citizens’ intentions to engage in collective action opposing their government, and their subjective well-being. Representative samples from Scotland, Wales, and the county of Kent in England were surveyed during the COVID-19 pandemic in October 2020 (N = 1,536). Results largely support our preregistered hypotheses, confirming that the IDEAS mod…
Antecedents and consequences of Covid-19 conspiracy beliefs
Understanding identity processes in support for reactionary and progressive social movements among advantaged and disadvantaged groups
Across five studies (two representative, one pre‐registered, total N = 4962), we examined the role of collective narcissism and secure identity in support for reactionary (Alt‐Right and nationalist) and progressive (Black Lives Matter and Women's Strike) social movements among advantaged (White Americans and Polish national majority) versus disadvantaged (Black Americans) groups. Among advantaged groups, collective narcissism, more so than secure…
The Chinese virus”
This research examines the impact of COVID-19 fear on attitudes toward Chinese depending on the context of propagation of COVID-19. We predicted that COVID-19 fear was linked to negative attitudes toward Chinese people, especially when the spread of the virus was external (in China; vs. when the spread was internal with transmission within the French ingroup). We collected data online (N = 403) when COVID-19 was being transmitted externally, outs…
Do it for others! The role of family and national group social belongingness in engaging with Covid-19 preventive health behaviors
Investigating the identification-prejudice link through the lens of national narcissism
Flags on fire
Desecrating a national symbol is a powerful means of protest or of showing antipathy for a national group, but how do such actions impact ingroup favoritism? We investigated this issue via two field studies conducted prior to the France versus Ireland (Study 1, N = 72) and France versus Germany (Study 2, N = 165) matches at the Euro 2016 soccer tournament. We asked French participants to imagine the ingroup/competition outgroup flag being burnt b…
Investigating the identification-prejudice link through the lens of national narcissism
Understanding identity processes in support for reactionary and progressive social movements among advantaged and disadvantaged groups
Across five studies (two representative, one pre‐registered, total N = 4962), we examined the role of collective narcissism and secure identity in support for reactionary (Alt‐Right and nationalist) and progressive (Black Lives Matter and Women's Strike) social movements among advantaged (White Americans and Polish national majority) versus disadvantaged (Black Americans) groups. Among advantaged groups, collective narcissism, more so than secure…
Do it for others! The role of family and national group social belongingness in engaging with Covid-19 preventive health behaviors
Mobilising ideas in the Covid-19 pandemic
We tested how well the Identity-Deprivation-Efficacy-Action-Subjective-wellbeing (IDEAS) model predicts citizens’ intentions to engage in collective action opposing their government, and their subjective well-being. Representative samples from Scotland, Wales, and the county of Kent in England were surveyed during the COVID-19 pandemic in October 2020 (N = 1,536). Results largely support our preregistered hypotheses, confirming that the IDEAS mod…
The Chinese virus”
This research examines the impact of COVID-19 fear on attitudes toward Chinese depending on the context of propagation of COVID-19. We predicted that COVID-19 fear was linked to negative attitudes toward Chinese people, especially when the spread of the virus was external (in China; vs. when the spread was internal with transmission within the French ingroup). We collected data online (N = 403) when COVID-19 was being transmitted externally, outs…
Collective action among the extremes? Relations between political ideology, political extremism, emotions, and collective action
Past research has highlighted the central role of ideology and political values in collective action. This research aims to determine whether, in addition to political ideology , political extremism can promote collective action. Arguing that political extremism may promote political activism per se, independently of its ideological content, we hypothesized an asymmetric U‐shaped relationship between political ideology and collective action, with…
Flags on fire
Desecrating a national symbol is a powerful means of protest or of showing antipathy for a national group, but how do such actions impact ingroup favoritism? We investigated this issue via two field studies conducted prior to the France versus Ireland (Study 1, N = 72) and France versus Germany (Study 2, N = 165) matches at the Euro 2016 soccer tournament. We asked French participants to imagine the ingroup/competition outgroup flag being burnt b…
Flags on fire
Desecrating a national symbol is a powerful means of protest or of showing antipathy for a national group, but how do such actions impact ingroup favoritism? We investigated this issue via two field studies conducted prior to the France versus Ireland (Study 1, N = 72) and France versus Germany (Study 2, N = 165) matches at the Euro 2016 soccer tournament. We asked French participants to imagine the ingroup/competition outgroup flag being burnt b…
The Chinese virus”
This research examines the impact of COVID-19 fear on attitudes toward Chinese depending on the context of propagation of COVID-19. We predicted that COVID-19 fear was linked to negative attitudes toward Chinese people, especially when the spread of the virus was external (in China; vs. when the spread was internal with transmission within the French ingroup). We collected data online (N = 403) when COVID-19 was being transmitted externally, outs…
Do it for others! The role of family and national group social belongingness in engaging with Covid-19 preventive health behaviors
Investigating the identification-prejudice link through the lens of national narcissism
Antecedents and consequences of Covid-19 conspiracy beliefs
Understanding identity processes in support for reactionary and progressive social movements among advantaged and disadvantaged groups
Across five studies (two representative, one pre‐registered, total N = 4962), we examined the role of collective narcissism and secure identity in support for reactionary (Alt‐Right and nationalist) and progressive (Black Lives Matter and Women's Strike) social movements among advantaged (White Americans and Polish national majority) versus disadvantaged (Black Americans) groups. Among advantaged groups, collective narcissism, more so than secure…
Don’t burn our flag
Desecration of national symbols is a recurring societal phenomenon that can lead to highly defensive reactions from some citizens, especially on the part of those expressing a strong attachment to the nation. In this paper, we investigated the effects of blind and constructive patriotism when faced with an ingroup (vs. outgroup) national flag burning on ingroup bias, taking into consideration the mediating role of perceived threat. In two studies…
Mobilising ideas in the Covid-19 pandemic
We tested how well the Identity-Deprivation-Efficacy-Action-Subjective-wellbeing (IDEAS) model predicts citizens’ intentions to engage in collective action opposing their government, and their subjective well-being. Representative samples from Scotland, Wales, and the county of Kent in England were surveyed during the COVID-19 pandemic in October 2020 (N = 1,536). Results largely support our preregistered hypotheses, confirming that the IDEAS mod…
When Less Is More
We propose that defensive forms of identity (i.e., nationalism and national narcissism) can harm the nation through a tendency to maximize the difference between own and other groups in resource allocation. We test this hypothesis by adopting a classic social psychological paradigm, the Tajfel’s matrices, to real-life scenarios designed in the COVID-19 context. We captured maximizing the difference as a preference for one’s nation being allocated…
Defensive national identity relates to support for collective violence, in contrast to secure national identity, in a sample of displaced Syrian diaspora members
This paper examines national identities and collective violence beliefs in a sample of Syrian diaspora members (N = 521). Most of the Syria diaspora fled the ongoing civil war and are therefore opposed to President Assad and his regime, which still control most of their homeland. It is therefore a compelling question if national identities, which remain strong in the diaspora despite displacement, shape attitudes towards the regime at home. To th…
Social judgement of defensive and secure social identities among advantaged and disadvantaged groups
This research integrates social judgement and social identity theories to examine evaluations of defensive (narcissistic) and secure social identity (vs. lack of identification) expressed by targets with varying group statuses (advantaged vs. disadvantaged). Across three studies (total N = 2,915), we manipulated target group status and forms of identity. In socioeconomic groups (Study 1), an advantaged target with a defensive identity was deemed …
Collective action among the extremes? Relations between political ideology, political extremism, emotions, and collective action
Past research has highlighted the central role of ideology and political values in collective action. This research aims to determine whether, in addition to political ideology , political extremism can promote collective action. Arguing that political extremism may promote political activism per se, independently of its ideological content, we hypothesized an asymmetric U‐shaped relationship between political ideology and collective action, with…
Navigating social change and social harmony
The Social Identity Model of Collective Action (SIMCA) effectively predicts collective action and social change, but has been less examined in emerging movements and non‐WEIRD contexts. This research had two aims: to test SIMCA during the Gen Z mobilization in Madagascar, a largely online movement that culminated in the overthrow of the government in October 2025; and to examine how SIMCA variables relate to post‐action activism and reconciliatio…
Psychology (11 works) · Social Psychology (11 works) · Social and Intergroup Psychology (10 works) · Social Psychology (8 works) · Cultural Differences and Values (7 works) · Political science (7 works) · Social identity theory (7 works) · Social group (6 works) · Politics (5 works) · Collective identity (4 works)