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Jonathan Hassid

Biographic Data

ID191573
NAMEJonathan Hassid
GIVEN NAMESJonathan
FAMILY NAMEHassid
SIGNATUREHASSID J
AFFILIATIONSIowa State University
ORCID0000-0001-7585-1430
VERIFIEDYes
TOTAL WORKS16
TOTAL CITATIONS204
AUTHOR COUNT16
EDITOR COUNT0
FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR2008
LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR2025
H-INDEX7
  • The Currency of Truth

    Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•The China Journal•2025

  • Engaging Social Media in China

    Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•The China Journal•2023

  • Censorship, the Media, and the Market in China

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Journal of Chinese Political…•2020•Cited by: 8•References: 10

  • China's Unruly Journalists

    Jonathan Hassid•BOOK•China's Unruly Journalists•2015

    Despite operating in one of the most tightly controlled media environments in the world, Chinese journalists sometimes take extraordinary risks, braving the perils of job loss or imprisonment to report sensitive stories. As a result, a group of journalists stands at the forefront of some of China's most dramatic social and political changes. This book is the first to systematically explore why some Chinese journalists decide to challenge Communis…

  • Stability Maintenance and Chinese Media

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid, Wanning Sun•ARTICLE•Journal of Current Chinese Affairs•2015•References: 4

    For political scientists, Chinese media practices and communication systems provide an enduring prism through which to understand how Chinese politics work. By contrast, for media and communication scholars, politics is one of the main domains in which various media and communication forms, practices and policies can be fruitfully explored. While political scientists and media scholars share this common interest, they tend to pursue different res…

  • China's Responsiveness to Internet Opinion

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Journal of Current Chinese Affairs•2015•Cited by: 10•References: 17

    Despite its authoritarian bent, the Chinese government quickly and actively moves to respond to public pressure over misdeeds revealed and discussed on the internet. Netizens have reacted with dismay to news about natural and man-made disasters, official corruption, abuse of the legal system and other prominent issues. Yet in spite of the sensitivity of such topics and the persistence of China's censorship apparatus, Beijing usually acts to quick…

  • Doing good or doing nothing? Celebrity, media and philanthropy in China

    Jonathan Hassid, Elaine Jeffreys•ARTICLE•Third World Quarterly•2015•Cited by: 5•References: 13

    Based on a statistical analysis of 91 celebrity-endorsed charities in the People’s Republic of China, this paper challenges the popular assumption that celebrity involvement with not-for-profit organisations attracts extensive media coverage. Although China is the largest media market in the world, previous studies of celebrity philanthropy have been conducted almost exclusively in a Western context. Such studies argue passionately for and agains…

  • Why Chinese print journalists embrace the Internet

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid, Maria Repnikova•ARTICLE•Journalism•2015•Cited by: 19•References: 11

    Western media studies have largely presented the relationship between new and traditional media as adversarial, often claiming that the Internet challenges the survival of traditional journalism. Focusing on China, this article re-evaluates this relationship in a non-Western context. Relying on extensive interviews with Chinese journalists, we argue that the relationship between China’s print and Internet media is symbiotic. Although it does chal…

  • Scandals, Media and Good Governance in China and Kenya

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid, Jennifer N Bra et al.•ARTICLE•Journal of Asian and African…•2015•Cited by: 9•References: 29

    Conventional wisdom holds that democratic governments listen to their populations, while authoritarian governments do not. This paper questions the extent to which this dynamic applies in cases of government scandals, using the illustrative cases of China and Kenya. We expect democratic countries with free media to be responsive and authoritarian states to ignore public pressure. Counter to this expectation, however, authoritarian China is more r…

  • State of mind

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid, Bartholomew C Watson•ARTICLE•Time & Society•2014•Cited by: 4•References: 46

    Why does China, geographically the third largest country in the world, have only one time zone, while Australia, nearly as big, has six? Concentrating on the Chinese case, we argue that control over time zones represents an example of "symbolic centralization," the degree to which the central state concentrates intangible or symbolic resources that reinforce and assert state control, often invisibly, over people's everyday lives. Few state action…

  • Cyber-nationalism in China

    Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Continuum•2013•References: 1

    In Cyber-Nationalism in China: Challenging Western Media Portrayals of Censorship in China, Ying Jiang aims to challenge what she sees as a Western fixation on one central question in Chinese media

  • Safety Valve or Pressure Cooker? Blogs in Chinese Political Life

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Journal of Communication•2012•Cited by: 46•References: 5

    Despite censorship, Chinese bloggers routinely uncover corruption, help solve social problems, and even pressure state officials to change policy. The power of online opinion is undisputed in individual cases, but the overall effect of blog discourse on Chinese political life is unclear. Do blogs relieve pressure for political change by allowing troublemakers to vent frustrations in a marginal medium, or are they integrated with the larger system…

  • Amplifying Silence

    Open Access•Rachel E Stern, Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Comparative Political Studies•2012•Cited by: 82•References: 32

    Well-known tools of state coercion, such as administrative punishment, imprisonment, and violence, affect far fewer than 1% of Chinese journalists and lawyers. What, then, keeps the other 99% in line? Building on work detailing control strategies in illiberal states, the authors suggest that the answer is more complicated than the usual story of heavy-handed repression. Instead, deep-rooted uncertainty about the boundaries of permissible politica…

  • Four Models of the Fourth Estate

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•The China Quarterly•2011

    Scholarly attention has not kept pace with the rapid changes in the professional role of Chinese journalists. Instead, two older views prevail. The first, which sees Chinese journalists as “mouthpieces” of the Communist Party unchanged from the Maoist era, downplays the tremendous changes in the media since 1978. The second view, holding that they are increasingly becoming “American-style professionals,” overstates the influence of international …

  • China's Contentious Journalists

    Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Problems of Post-Communism•2008•Cited by: 3

    Despite government attacks, China's newspaper journalists have become increasingly unruly

  • Controlling the Chinese Media

    Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Asian Survey•2008•Cited by: 18•References: 3

    Increasing economic liberalization of the Chinese media has not resulted in proportional political liberalization, and previous explanations for the state's puzzlingly firm grip are inadequate. This article argues that a “regime of uncertainty” is critical toward keeping the Chinese media in line

  • Amplifying Silence

    Open Access•Rachel E Stern, Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Comparative Political Studies•2012•Cited by: 82•References: 32

    Well-known tools of state coercion, such as administrative punishment, imprisonment, and violence, affect far fewer than 1% of Chinese journalists and lawyers. What, then, keeps the other 99% in line? Building on work detailing control strategies in illiberal states, the authors suggest that the answer is more complicated than the usual story of heavy-handed repression. Instead, deep-rooted uncertainty about the boundaries of permissible politica…

  • Safety Valve or Pressure Cooker? Blogs in Chinese Political Life

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Journal of Communication•2012•Cited by: 46•References: 5

    Despite censorship, Chinese bloggers routinely uncover corruption, help solve social problems, and even pressure state officials to change policy. The power of online opinion is undisputed in individual cases, but the overall effect of blog discourse on Chinese political life is unclear. Do blogs relieve pressure for political change by allowing troublemakers to vent frustrations in a marginal medium, or are they integrated with the larger system…

  • Why Chinese print journalists embrace the Internet

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid, Maria Repnikova•ARTICLE•Journalism•2015•Cited by: 19•References: 11

    Western media studies have largely presented the relationship between new and traditional media as adversarial, often claiming that the Internet challenges the survival of traditional journalism. Focusing on China, this article re-evaluates this relationship in a non-Western context. Relying on extensive interviews with Chinese journalists, we argue that the relationship between China’s print and Internet media is symbiotic. Although it does chal…

  • Controlling the Chinese Media

    Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Asian Survey•2008•Cited by: 18•References: 3

    Increasing economic liberalization of the Chinese media has not resulted in proportional political liberalization, and previous explanations for the state's puzzlingly firm grip are inadequate. This article argues that a “regime of uncertainty” is critical toward keeping the Chinese media in line

  • China's Responsiveness to Internet Opinion

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Journal of Current Chinese Affairs•2015•Cited by: 10•References: 17

    Despite its authoritarian bent, the Chinese government quickly and actively moves to respond to public pressure over misdeeds revealed and discussed on the internet. Netizens have reacted with dismay to news about natural and man-made disasters, official corruption, abuse of the legal system and other prominent issues. Yet in spite of the sensitivity of such topics and the persistence of China's censorship apparatus, Beijing usually acts to quick…

  • Scandals, Media and Good Governance in China and Kenya

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid, Jennifer N Bra et al.•ARTICLE•Journal of Asian and African…•2015•Cited by: 9•References: 29

    Conventional wisdom holds that democratic governments listen to their populations, while authoritarian governments do not. This paper questions the extent to which this dynamic applies in cases of government scandals, using the illustrative cases of China and Kenya. We expect democratic countries with free media to be responsive and authoritarian states to ignore public pressure. Counter to this expectation, however, authoritarian China is more r…

  • Censorship, the Media, and the Market in China

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Journal of Chinese Political…•2020•Cited by: 8•References: 10

  • Doing good or doing nothing? Celebrity, media and philanthropy in China

    Jonathan Hassid, Elaine Jeffreys•ARTICLE•Third World Quarterly•2015•Cited by: 5•References: 13

    Based on a statistical analysis of 91 celebrity-endorsed charities in the People’s Republic of China, this paper challenges the popular assumption that celebrity involvement with not-for-profit organisations attracts extensive media coverage. Although China is the largest media market in the world, previous studies of celebrity philanthropy have been conducted almost exclusively in a Western context. Such studies argue passionately for and agains…

  • State of mind

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid, Bartholomew C Watson•ARTICLE•Time & Society•2014•Cited by: 4•References: 46

    Why does China, geographically the third largest country in the world, have only one time zone, while Australia, nearly as big, has six? Concentrating on the Chinese case, we argue that control over time zones represents an example of "symbolic centralization," the degree to which the central state concentrates intangible or symbolic resources that reinforce and assert state control, often invisibly, over people's everyday lives. Few state action…

  • China's Contentious Journalists

    Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Problems of Post-Communism•2008•Cited by: 3

    Despite government attacks, China's newspaper journalists have become increasingly unruly

  • China's Contentious Journalists

    Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Problems of Post-Communism•2008•Cited by: 3

    Despite government attacks, China's newspaper journalists have become increasingly unruly

  • Controlling the Chinese Media

    Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Asian Survey•2008•Cited by: 18•References: 3

    Increasing economic liberalization of the Chinese media has not resulted in proportional political liberalization, and previous explanations for the state's puzzlingly firm grip are inadequate. This article argues that a “regime of uncertainty” is critical toward keeping the Chinese media in line

  • Four Models of the Fourth Estate

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•The China Quarterly•2011

    Scholarly attention has not kept pace with the rapid changes in the professional role of Chinese journalists. Instead, two older views prevail. The first, which sees Chinese journalists as “mouthpieces” of the Communist Party unchanged from the Maoist era, downplays the tremendous changes in the media since 1978. The second view, holding that they are increasingly becoming “American-style professionals,” overstates the influence of international …

  • Safety Valve or Pressure Cooker? Blogs in Chinese Political Life

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Journal of Communication•2012•Cited by: 46•References: 5

    Despite censorship, Chinese bloggers routinely uncover corruption, help solve social problems, and even pressure state officials to change policy. The power of online opinion is undisputed in individual cases, but the overall effect of blog discourse on Chinese political life is unclear. Do blogs relieve pressure for political change by allowing troublemakers to vent frustrations in a marginal medium, or are they integrated with the larger system…

  • Amplifying Silence

    Open Access•Rachel E Stern, Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Comparative Political Studies•2012•Cited by: 82•References: 32

    Well-known tools of state coercion, such as administrative punishment, imprisonment, and violence, affect far fewer than 1% of Chinese journalists and lawyers. What, then, keeps the other 99% in line? Building on work detailing control strategies in illiberal states, the authors suggest that the answer is more complicated than the usual story of heavy-handed repression. Instead, deep-rooted uncertainty about the boundaries of permissible politica…

  • Cyber-nationalism in China

    Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Continuum•2013•References: 1

    In Cyber-Nationalism in China: Challenging Western Media Portrayals of Censorship in China, Ying Jiang aims to challenge what she sees as a Western fixation on one central question in Chinese media

  • State of mind

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid, Bartholomew C Watson•ARTICLE•Time & Society•2014•Cited by: 4•References: 46

    Why does China, geographically the third largest country in the world, have only one time zone, while Australia, nearly as big, has six? Concentrating on the Chinese case, we argue that control over time zones represents an example of "symbolic centralization," the degree to which the central state concentrates intangible or symbolic resources that reinforce and assert state control, often invisibly, over people's everyday lives. Few state action…

  • China's Unruly Journalists

    Jonathan Hassid•BOOK•China's Unruly Journalists•2015

    Despite operating in one of the most tightly controlled media environments in the world, Chinese journalists sometimes take extraordinary risks, braving the perils of job loss or imprisonment to report sensitive stories. As a result, a group of journalists stands at the forefront of some of China's most dramatic social and political changes. This book is the first to systematically explore why some Chinese journalists decide to challenge Communis…

  • Stability Maintenance and Chinese Media

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid, Wanning Sun•ARTICLE•Journal of Current Chinese Affairs•2015•References: 4

    For political scientists, Chinese media practices and communication systems provide an enduring prism through which to understand how Chinese politics work. By contrast, for media and communication scholars, politics is one of the main domains in which various media and communication forms, practices and policies can be fruitfully explored. While political scientists and media scholars share this common interest, they tend to pursue different res…

  • China's Responsiveness to Internet Opinion

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Journal of Current Chinese Affairs•2015•Cited by: 10•References: 17

    Despite its authoritarian bent, the Chinese government quickly and actively moves to respond to public pressure over misdeeds revealed and discussed on the internet. Netizens have reacted with dismay to news about natural and man-made disasters, official corruption, abuse of the legal system and other prominent issues. Yet in spite of the sensitivity of such topics and the persistence of China's censorship apparatus, Beijing usually acts to quick…

  • Doing good or doing nothing? Celebrity, media and philanthropy in China

    Jonathan Hassid, Elaine Jeffreys•ARTICLE•Third World Quarterly•2015•Cited by: 5•References: 13

    Based on a statistical analysis of 91 celebrity-endorsed charities in the People’s Republic of China, this paper challenges the popular assumption that celebrity involvement with not-for-profit organisations attracts extensive media coverage. Although China is the largest media market in the world, previous studies of celebrity philanthropy have been conducted almost exclusively in a Western context. Such studies argue passionately for and agains…

  • Why Chinese print journalists embrace the Internet

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid, Maria Repnikova•ARTICLE•Journalism•2015•Cited by: 19•References: 11

    Western media studies have largely presented the relationship between new and traditional media as adversarial, often claiming that the Internet challenges the survival of traditional journalism. Focusing on China, this article re-evaluates this relationship in a non-Western context. Relying on extensive interviews with Chinese journalists, we argue that the relationship between China’s print and Internet media is symbiotic. Although it does chal…

  • Scandals, Media and Good Governance in China and Kenya

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid, Jennifer N Bra et al.•ARTICLE•Journal of Asian and African…•2015•Cited by: 9•References: 29

    Conventional wisdom holds that democratic governments listen to their populations, while authoritarian governments do not. This paper questions the extent to which this dynamic applies in cases of government scandals, using the illustrative cases of China and Kenya. We expect democratic countries with free media to be responsive and authoritarian states to ignore public pressure. Counter to this expectation, however, authoritarian China is more r…

  • Censorship, the Media, and the Market in China

    Open Access•Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•Journal of Chinese Political…•2020•Cited by: 8•References: 10

  • Engaging Social Media in China

    Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•The China Journal•2023

  • The Currency of Truth

    Jonathan Hassid•ARTICLE•The China Journal•2025

Political science (15 works) · China (12 works) · Law (12 works) · Sociology (12 works) · China's Socioeconomic Reforms and Governance (11 works) · Law (11 works) · Hong Kong and Taiwan Politics (10 works) · Politics (10 works) · Media studies (9 works) · Computer Science (7 works)

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