Andrej Kokkonen
Biographic Data
| ID | 193548 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Andrej Kokkonen |
| GIVEN NAMES | Andrej |
| FAMILY NAME | Kokkonen |
| SIGNATURE | KOKKONEN A |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Gothenburg |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-8127-0800 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 25 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 427 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 25 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2010 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 12 |
The (alleged) consequences of affective polarization: A survey experiment in nine democracies
Affective polarization (or antipathy between supporters of opposing political camps) is considered a threat to societal cohesion and democratic stability worldwide. However, causal evidence of its impact remains scarce, especially outside the United States. Our study examines the individual-level consequences of affective polarization by manipulating it in a survey experiment in nine countries (Brazil, France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Spain, Swede…
Rulers on the road: Itinerant rule in the Holy Roman Empire, AD 919–1519
Itinerant rule, rule exercised through traveling, was a common yet insufficiently researched, premodern form of governance. Studying the determinants of ruler itineraries in the Holy Roman Empire, AD 919–1519, we argue that rulers' visits targeted “marginal” elites. Powerful rulers could count on family members and thus targeted unrelated local elites. Weak emperors had to monitor their less loyal relatives and left unrelated nobles unvisited. We…
A Male Hostility Spiral? Polarized Communication among Political Elites on Social Media
Anti-Immigrant Attitudes and Political Participation in Europe
This article investigates the relationship between anti-immigration attitudes and political participation in European democracies. Using data from the European Social Survey (2002–2018), we first show that a participation gap between pro- and anti-immigrant citizens exists for all types of political participation, even though the gap in voting is relatively small. The analyses also show that leftist and centrist anti-immigrant citizens participat…
Eingegangene Bücher
Nativist attitudes and opportunistic support for democracy
Do nativists differ from other citizens in their attitudes towards democracy? In this article it is demonstrated that nativism goes hand in hand with preferences for a type of democracy where the interests of the natives should prevail, even at the cost of diminished minority rights, checks and balances, and other constraints on executive power. Liberal representative democracy is not for nativists. It is also shown that nativists seem to believe…
A nativist divide? Anti‐immigration attitudes and diffuse support for democracy in Western Europe
Earlier research has shown a strong connection between anti‐immigration attitudes and political trust in Western Europe. In this research note, we examine if nativists’ low levels of specific political support translate into a more general scepticism about democracy as a system of government. Using comparative data from the European Social Survey (ESS) and the European Values Study (EVS), we investigate the relationship between nativist attitudes…
Blood Is Thicker than Water: Family Size and Leader Deposition in Medieval and Early Modern Europe
Are large families a liability or an asset for an autocratic ruler? In this article, we show that in medieval and early modern Europe, relatives protected monarchs from challenges from their elite groups, thus reducing their risk of being deposed. Women reduced the risk of both depositions from outside and from within the family, whereas men primarily reduced the risk of outside depositions (as well as the risk of civil wars breaking out). This i…
A tough trade-off? The asymmetrical impact of populist radical right inclusion on satisfaction with democracy and government
Populist radical right (PRR) parties are increasingly included in coalition governments across Western Europe. How does such inclusion affect satisfaction with democracy (SWD) in these societies? While some citizens will feel democracy has grown more responsive, others will abhor the inclusion of such controversial parties. Using data from the European Social Survey (2002–2018) and panel data from the Netherlands, we investigate how nativists’ an…
Succession, power‐sharing and the development of representative institutions in medieval Europe
Historians have documented that in medieval Europe, bargaining over the loyalty of lay magnates and high clergy was most intense during successions and that this often forced monarchs to give political concessions. We argue that matters related to succession predict short‐term power‐sharing concessions by rulers but that – because they do not permanently alter the balance of power between ruler and elite – they only trigger lasting changes of pol…
In pursuit of happiness: Life satisfaction drives political support
It is argued in this article that citizens in democracies use their subjective well‐being (SWB) as an evaluative criterion when deciding how willing they are to support and comply with government dictates (political system support). When life is satisfactory, government authorities are rewarded with support, when it is not, citizens punish authorities by withholding their support. To make sense of the relationship, it is suggested that citizens a…
Leader Succession and Civil War
Leadership succession is a perennial source of instability in autocratic regimes. Despite this, it has remained a curiously understudied phenomenon in political science. In this article, we compile a novel and comprehensive dataset on civil war in Europe and combine it with data on the fate of monarchs in 28 states over 800 years to investigate how autocratic succession affected the risk of civil war. Exploiting the natural deaths of monarchs to …
Social Stigma and Support for the Populist Radical Right: An Experimental Study
The ‘taboo’ or ‘stigma’ associated with many populist radical right parties (PRRPs) has been argued to be an important constraint on their electoral success. In comparison to mainstream parties, there seems to be a higher barrier keeping voters from supporting PRRPs. However, this mechanism has not been tested directly. We conducted a randomized survey‐embedded experiment manipulating the social stigma of a fictitious radical right party in Swede…
Inheritance regimes: Medieval family structures and current institutional quality
This study highlights the impact that medieval patterns of intrafamily inheritance practices wield on contemporary institutional quality. We argue that regions that practiced inegalitarian inheritance developed stronger institutions than regions that practiced egalitarian inheritance, for two reasons. First, we argue that transmitting land to a single heir resulted in a sense of personal ownership and, by extension, encouraged individual property…
Gender Differences in Vote Choice: Social Cues and Social Harmony as Heuristics
Some parties are more popular among men, while other parties attract more female voters. This article proposes that these differences can be partially explained by two recurring gender differences in the socio-psychological literature. It argues that men’s generally lower sensitivity to social cues makes them more likely to vote for stigmatized and small parties, whereas women’s greater concern with social harmony is expected to make them less li…
Women’s Presence in Politics and Male Politicians Commitment to Gender Equality in Politics: Evidence from 290 Swedish Local Councils
This article provides the first comprehensive empirical test of how women's presence in politics affects male politicians' attitudes toward gender equality as an abstract ideal and their personal willingness to strive for women's interests. Using a unique survey of all 13,000 locally elected politicians in Sweden (response rate 63 percent), we find a negative association between a greater presence of women and male politicians' personal willingne…
Adapting to party lines: The Effect of Party Affiliation on Attitudes to Immigration
Public opinion on immigration is increasingly relevant for political behaviour. However, little is known about the way in which citizens’ political allegiances in turn shape their attitudes to immigration. Abundant existing evidence suggests that voters often take cues from the parties they support. Using panel data from the Netherlands and Sweden, this article investigates the dynamic relation between attitudes to immigration and party preferenc…
That's what friends are for: How Intergroup Friendships Promote Historically Disadvantaged Groups' Substantive Political Representation
The interests of historically disadvantaged groups risk being overlooked if they are not present in the decision-making process. However, a mere presence in politics does not guarantee political success. Often groups need allies to promote their interests successfully. We argue that one way to identify such allies is to judge politicians by whether they have friends in historically disadvantaged groups, as intergroup friendships have been shown t…
Contact in context: Does Intergroup Contact Function (Better) in High-Threat Contexts
Are interpersonal contacts effective in reducing group threat and prejudice in all contexts? Studies have found that the contact effect is stronger in regions and countries where large immigrant populations contribute to high levels of contextual group threat This paper tests the robustness of the observed positive association between contextual-level group threat and contact effects by identifying three methodological reasons for why the associa…
The gender gap in populist radical-right voting: Examining the demand side in Western and Eastern Europe
In most countries, men are more likely to vote for parties of the populist radical right (PRR) than women. The authors argue here that there are two mechanisms that might potentially explain this gender gap: mediation (women's attitudes and characteristics differ from men's in ways that explain the PRR vote) and moderation (women vote for different reasons than men). They apply these two mechanisms to general theories of support for PRR parties—t…
Diverse Workplaces and Interethnic Friendship Formation-A Multilevel Comparison across 21 OECD Countries
We study how workplace diversity affects how native-born populations form interethnic friendship relations. Drawing on network elasticity research, the relationship between functional and cognitive interdependencies, and intergroup contact theory, we argue that diverse workplaces—because they restrict individuals' opportunities to act on tendencies towards homophily more than other social units—have a particularly strong potential for integration…
Group Gender Composition and Tolerance of Immigrants' Rights
Research has shown that women on average express more positive attitudes towards out-groups than men. We hypothesize that, because of differences in the social climate that this gender gap produces, people who spend more time in female-dominated groups are likely to develop more positive attitudes towards out-groups than people who spend more time in groups that are dominated by men. We corroborate our argument with evidence from two unique Swedi…
Delivering Stability—Primogeniture and Autocratic Survival in European Monarchies 1000–1800
Building a strong autocratic state requires stability in ruler-elite relations. From this perspective the absence of a successor is problematic, as the elite have few incentives to remain loyal if the autocrat cannot reward them for their loyalty after his death. However, an appointed successor has both the capacity and the motive to challenge the autocrat. We argue that a succession based on primogeniture solves the dilemma, by providing the reg…
Migration‐based Ethnic Diversity and Social Trust: A Multilevel Analysis of How Country, Neighbourhood and Workplace Diversity Affects Social Trust in 22 Countries
How does ethnic diversity affect social trust? The conflict hypothesis, which predicts a negative effect, and the contact hypothesis, which predicts a positive effect, represent the main competing answers. This article argues that the ‘true’ answer to the question is contingent upon the social units under study and how they interact. More specifically, it is argued that diversity will have a negative effect on social trust when focusing on social…
Ethnic Diversity and Democratic Citizenship: Evidence from a Social Laboratory
Will frequent interethnic personal contacts help Western countries overcome the strains associated with migration-based ethnic diversity? To address this problem, the authors of this article studied a setting – high school – that ‘forces’ individuals to have personal contacts. It is argued that schools are social laboratories from which one can learn about the likely effects of a less-segregated society. Moreover, this study concerns a European n…
The gender gap in populist radical-right voting: Examining the demand side in Western and Eastern Europe
In most countries, men are more likely to vote for parties of the populist radical right (PRR) than women. The authors argue here that there are two mechanisms that might potentially explain this gender gap: mediation (women's attitudes and characteristics differ from men's in ways that explain the PRR vote) and moderation (women vote for different reasons than men). They apply these two mechanisms to general theories of support for PRR parties—t…
Delivering Stability—Primogeniture and Autocratic Survival in European Monarchies 1000–1800
Building a strong autocratic state requires stability in ruler-elite relations. From this perspective the absence of a successor is problematic, as the elite have few incentives to remain loyal if the autocrat cannot reward them for their loyalty after his death. However, an appointed successor has both the capacity and the motive to challenge the autocrat. We argue that a succession based on primogeniture solves the dilemma, by providing the reg…
Adapting to party lines: The Effect of Party Affiliation on Attitudes to Immigration
Public opinion on immigration is increasingly relevant for political behaviour. However, little is known about the way in which citizens’ political allegiances in turn shape their attitudes to immigration. Abundant existing evidence suggests that voters often take cues from the parties they support. Using panel data from the Netherlands and Sweden, this article investigates the dynamic relation between attitudes to immigration and party preferenc…
Gender Differences in Vote Choice: Social Cues and Social Harmony as Heuristics
Some parties are more popular among men, while other parties attract more female voters. This article proposes that these differences can be partially explained by two recurring gender differences in the socio-psychological literature. It argues that men’s generally lower sensitivity to social cues makes them more likely to vote for stigmatized and small parties, whereas women’s greater concern with social harmony is expected to make them less li…
A tough trade-off? The asymmetrical impact of populist radical right inclusion on satisfaction with democracy and government
Populist radical right (PRR) parties are increasingly included in coalition governments across Western Europe. How does such inclusion affect satisfaction with democracy (SWD) in these societies? While some citizens will feel democracy has grown more responsive, others will abhor the inclusion of such controversial parties. Using data from the European Social Survey (2002–2018) and panel data from the Netherlands, we investigate how nativists’ an…
Social Stigma and Support for the Populist Radical Right: An Experimental Study
The ‘taboo’ or ‘stigma’ associated with many populist radical right parties (PRRPs) has been argued to be an important constraint on their electoral success. In comparison to mainstream parties, there seems to be a higher barrier keeping voters from supporting PRRPs. However, this mechanism has not been tested directly. We conducted a randomized survey‐embedded experiment manipulating the social stigma of a fictitious radical right party in Swede…
In pursuit of happiness: Life satisfaction drives political support
It is argued in this article that citizens in democracies use their subjective well‐being (SWB) as an evaluative criterion when deciding how willing they are to support and comply with government dictates (political system support). When life is satisfactory, government authorities are rewarded with support, when it is not, citizens punish authorities by withholding their support. To make sense of the relationship, it is suggested that citizens a…
Diverse Workplaces and Interethnic Friendship Formation-A Multilevel Comparison across 21 OECD Countries
We study how workplace diversity affects how native-born populations form interethnic friendship relations. Drawing on network elasticity research, the relationship between functional and cognitive interdependencies, and intergroup contact theory, we argue that diverse workplaces—because they restrict individuals' opportunities to act on tendencies towards homophily more than other social units—have a particularly strong potential for integration…
Ethnic Diversity and Democratic Citizenship: Evidence from a Social Laboratory
Will frequent interethnic personal contacts help Western countries overcome the strains associated with migration-based ethnic diversity? To address this problem, the authors of this article studied a setting – high school – that ‘forces’ individuals to have personal contacts. It is argued that schools are social laboratories from which one can learn about the likely effects of a less-segregated society. Moreover, this study concerns a European n…
Women’s Presence in Politics and Male Politicians Commitment to Gender Equality in Politics: Evidence from 290 Swedish Local Councils
This article provides the first comprehensive empirical test of how women's presence in politics affects male politicians' attitudes toward gender equality as an abstract ideal and their personal willingness to strive for women's interests. Using a unique survey of all 13,000 locally elected politicians in Sweden (response rate 63 percent), we find a negative association between a greater presence of women and male politicians' personal willingne…
A nativist divide? Anti‐immigration attitudes and diffuse support for democracy in Western Europe
Earlier research has shown a strong connection between anti‐immigration attitudes and political trust in Western Europe. In this research note, we examine if nativists’ low levels of specific political support translate into a more general scepticism about democracy as a system of government. Using comparative data from the European Social Survey (ESS) and the European Values Study (EVS), we investigate the relationship between nativist attitudes…
Migration‐based Ethnic Diversity and Social Trust: A Multilevel Analysis of How Country, Neighbourhood and Workplace Diversity Affects Social Trust in 22 Countries
How does ethnic diversity affect social trust? The conflict hypothesis, which predicts a negative effect, and the contact hypothesis, which predicts a positive effect, represent the main competing answers. This article argues that the ‘true’ answer to the question is contingent upon the social units under study and how they interact. More specifically, it is argued that diversity will have a negative effect on social trust when focusing on social…
Nativist attitudes and opportunistic support for democracy
Do nativists differ from other citizens in their attitudes towards democracy? In this article it is demonstrated that nativism goes hand in hand with preferences for a type of democracy where the interests of the natives should prevail, even at the cost of diminished minority rights, checks and balances, and other constraints on executive power. Liberal representative democracy is not for nativists. It is also shown that nativists seem to believe…
Leader Succession and Civil War
Leadership succession is a perennial source of instability in autocratic regimes. Despite this, it has remained a curiously understudied phenomenon in political science. In this article, we compile a novel and comprehensive dataset on civil war in Europe and combine it with data on the fate of monarchs in 28 states over 800 years to investigate how autocratic succession affected the risk of civil war. Exploiting the natural deaths of monarchs to …
Contact in context: Does Intergroup Contact Function (Better) in High-Threat Contexts
Are interpersonal contacts effective in reducing group threat and prejudice in all contexts? Studies have found that the contact effect is stronger in regions and countries where large immigrant populations contribute to high levels of contextual group threat This paper tests the robustness of the observed positive association between contextual-level group threat and contact effects by identifying three methodological reasons for why the associa…
That's what friends are for: How Intergroup Friendships Promote Historically Disadvantaged Groups' Substantive Political Representation
The interests of historically disadvantaged groups risk being overlooked if they are not present in the decision-making process. However, a mere presence in politics does not guarantee political success. Often groups need allies to promote their interests successfully. We argue that one way to identify such allies is to judge politicians by whether they have friends in historically disadvantaged groups, as intergroup friendships have been shown t…
Anti-Immigrant Attitudes and Political Participation in Europe
This article investigates the relationship between anti-immigration attitudes and political participation in European democracies. Using data from the European Social Survey (2002–2018), we first show that a participation gap between pro- and anti-immigrant citizens exists for all types of political participation, even though the gap in voting is relatively small. The analyses also show that leftist and centrist anti-immigrant citizens participat…
Inheritance regimes: Medieval family structures and current institutional quality
This study highlights the impact that medieval patterns of intrafamily inheritance practices wield on contemporary institutional quality. We argue that regions that practiced inegalitarian inheritance developed stronger institutions than regions that practiced egalitarian inheritance, for two reasons. First, we argue that transmitting land to a single heir resulted in a sense of personal ownership and, by extension, encouraged individual property…
Succession, power‐sharing and the development of representative institutions in medieval Europe
Historians have documented that in medieval Europe, bargaining over the loyalty of lay magnates and high clergy was most intense during successions and that this often forced monarchs to give political concessions. We argue that matters related to succession predict short‐term power‐sharing concessions by rulers but that – because they do not permanently alter the balance of power between ruler and elite – they only trigger lasting changes of pol…
Blood Is Thicker than Water: Family Size and Leader Deposition in Medieval and Early Modern Europe
Are large families a liability or an asset for an autocratic ruler? In this article, we show that in medieval and early modern Europe, relatives protected monarchs from challenges from their elite groups, thus reducing their risk of being deposed. Women reduced the risk of both depositions from outside and from within the family, whereas men primarily reduced the risk of outside depositions (as well as the risk of civil wars breaking out). This i…
Group Gender Composition and Tolerance of Immigrants' Rights
Research has shown that women on average express more positive attitudes towards out-groups than men. We hypothesize that, because of differences in the social climate that this gender gap produces, people who spend more time in female-dominated groups are likely to develop more positive attitudes towards out-groups than people who spend more time in groups that are dominated by men. We corroborate our argument with evidence from two unique Swedi…
Ethnic Diversity and Democratic Citizenship: Evidence from a Social Laboratory
Will frequent interethnic personal contacts help Western countries overcome the strains associated with migration-based ethnic diversity? To address this problem, the authors of this article studied a setting – high school – that ‘forces’ individuals to have personal contacts. It is argued that schools are social laboratories from which one can learn about the likely effects of a less-segregated society. Moreover, this study concerns a European n…
Delivering Stability—Primogeniture and Autocratic Survival in European Monarchies 1000–1800
Building a strong autocratic state requires stability in ruler-elite relations. From this perspective the absence of a successor is problematic, as the elite have few incentives to remain loyal if the autocrat cannot reward them for their loyalty after his death. However, an appointed successor has both the capacity and the motive to challenge the autocrat. We argue that a succession based on primogeniture solves the dilemma, by providing the reg…
Migration‐based Ethnic Diversity and Social Trust: A Multilevel Analysis of How Country, Neighbourhood and Workplace Diversity Affects Social Trust in 22 Countries
How does ethnic diversity affect social trust? The conflict hypothesis, which predicts a negative effect, and the contact hypothesis, which predicts a positive effect, represent the main competing answers. This article argues that the ‘true’ answer to the question is contingent upon the social units under study and how they interact. More specifically, it is argued that diversity will have a negative effect on social trust when focusing on social…
The gender gap in populist radical-right voting: Examining the demand side in Western and Eastern Europe
In most countries, men are more likely to vote for parties of the populist radical right (PRR) than women. The authors argue here that there are two mechanisms that might potentially explain this gender gap: mediation (women's attitudes and characteristics differ from men's in ways that explain the PRR vote) and moderation (women vote for different reasons than men). They apply these two mechanisms to general theories of support for PRR parties—t…
Diverse Workplaces and Interethnic Friendship Formation-A Multilevel Comparison across 21 OECD Countries
We study how workplace diversity affects how native-born populations form interethnic friendship relations. Drawing on network elasticity research, the relationship between functional and cognitive interdependencies, and intergroup contact theory, we argue that diverse workplaces—because they restrict individuals' opportunities to act on tendencies towards homophily more than other social units—have a particularly strong potential for integration…
Group Gender Composition and Tolerance of Immigrants' Rights
Research has shown that women on average express more positive attitudes towards out-groups than men. We hypothesize that, because of differences in the social climate that this gender gap produces, people who spend more time in female-dominated groups are likely to develop more positive attitudes towards out-groups than people who spend more time in groups that are dominated by men. We corroborate our argument with evidence from two unique Swedi…
Contact in context: Does Intergroup Contact Function (Better) in High-Threat Contexts
Are interpersonal contacts effective in reducing group threat and prejudice in all contexts? Studies have found that the contact effect is stronger in regions and countries where large immigrant populations contribute to high levels of contextual group threat This paper tests the robustness of the observed positive association between contextual-level group threat and contact effects by identifying three methodological reasons for why the associa…
Women’s Presence in Politics and Male Politicians Commitment to Gender Equality in Politics: Evidence from 290 Swedish Local Councils
This article provides the first comprehensive empirical test of how women's presence in politics affects male politicians' attitudes toward gender equality as an abstract ideal and their personal willingness to strive for women's interests. Using a unique survey of all 13,000 locally elected politicians in Sweden (response rate 63 percent), we find a negative association between a greater presence of women and male politicians' personal willingne…
Adapting to party lines: The Effect of Party Affiliation on Attitudes to Immigration
Public opinion on immigration is increasingly relevant for political behaviour. However, little is known about the way in which citizens’ political allegiances in turn shape their attitudes to immigration. Abundant existing evidence suggests that voters often take cues from the parties they support. Using panel data from the Netherlands and Sweden, this article investigates the dynamic relation between attitudes to immigration and party preferenc…
That's what friends are for: How Intergroup Friendships Promote Historically Disadvantaged Groups' Substantive Political Representation
The interests of historically disadvantaged groups risk being overlooked if they are not present in the decision-making process. However, a mere presence in politics does not guarantee political success. Often groups need allies to promote their interests successfully. We argue that one way to identify such allies is to judge politicians by whether they have friends in historically disadvantaged groups, as intergroup friendships have been shown t…
Social Stigma and Support for the Populist Radical Right: An Experimental Study
The ‘taboo’ or ‘stigma’ associated with many populist radical right parties (PRRPs) has been argued to be an important constraint on their electoral success. In comparison to mainstream parties, there seems to be a higher barrier keeping voters from supporting PRRPs. However, this mechanism has not been tested directly. We conducted a randomized survey‐embedded experiment manipulating the social stigma of a fictitious radical right party in Swede…
Inheritance regimes: Medieval family structures and current institutional quality
This study highlights the impact that medieval patterns of intrafamily inheritance practices wield on contemporary institutional quality. We argue that regions that practiced inegalitarian inheritance developed stronger institutions than regions that practiced egalitarian inheritance, for two reasons. First, we argue that transmitting land to a single heir resulted in a sense of personal ownership and, by extension, encouraged individual property…
Gender Differences in Vote Choice: Social Cues and Social Harmony as Heuristics
Some parties are more popular among men, while other parties attract more female voters. This article proposes that these differences can be partially explained by two recurring gender differences in the socio-psychological literature. It argues that men’s generally lower sensitivity to social cues makes them more likely to vote for stigmatized and small parties, whereas women’s greater concern with social harmony is expected to make them less li…
Succession, power‐sharing and the development of representative institutions in medieval Europe
Historians have documented that in medieval Europe, bargaining over the loyalty of lay magnates and high clergy was most intense during successions and that this often forced monarchs to give political concessions. We argue that matters related to succession predict short‐term power‐sharing concessions by rulers but that – because they do not permanently alter the balance of power between ruler and elite – they only trigger lasting changes of pol…
In pursuit of happiness: Life satisfaction drives political support
It is argued in this article that citizens in democracies use their subjective well‐being (SWB) as an evaluative criterion when deciding how willing they are to support and comply with government dictates (political system support). When life is satisfactory, government authorities are rewarded with support, when it is not, citizens punish authorities by withholding their support. To make sense of the relationship, it is suggested that citizens a…
Leader Succession and Civil War
Leadership succession is a perennial source of instability in autocratic regimes. Despite this, it has remained a curiously understudied phenomenon in political science. In this article, we compile a novel and comprehensive dataset on civil war in Europe and combine it with data on the fate of monarchs in 28 states over 800 years to investigate how autocratic succession affected the risk of civil war. Exploiting the natural deaths of monarchs to …
Blood Is Thicker than Water: Family Size and Leader Deposition in Medieval and Early Modern Europe
Are large families a liability or an asset for an autocratic ruler? In this article, we show that in medieval and early modern Europe, relatives protected monarchs from challenges from their elite groups, thus reducing their risk of being deposed. Women reduced the risk of both depositions from outside and from within the family, whereas men primarily reduced the risk of outside depositions (as well as the risk of civil wars breaking out). This i…
A tough trade-off? The asymmetrical impact of populist radical right inclusion on satisfaction with democracy and government
Populist radical right (PRR) parties are increasingly included in coalition governments across Western Europe. How does such inclusion affect satisfaction with democracy (SWD) in these societies? While some citizens will feel democracy has grown more responsive, others will abhor the inclusion of such controversial parties. Using data from the European Social Survey (2002–2018) and panel data from the Netherlands, we investigate how nativists’ an…
Eingegangene Bücher
Nativist attitudes and opportunistic support for democracy
Do nativists differ from other citizens in their attitudes towards democracy? In this article it is demonstrated that nativism goes hand in hand with preferences for a type of democracy where the interests of the natives should prevail, even at the cost of diminished minority rights, checks and balances, and other constraints on executive power. Liberal representative democracy is not for nativists. It is also shown that nativists seem to believe…
A nativist divide? Anti‐immigration attitudes and diffuse support for democracy in Western Europe
Earlier research has shown a strong connection between anti‐immigration attitudes and political trust in Western Europe. In this research note, we examine if nativists’ low levels of specific political support translate into a more general scepticism about democracy as a system of government. Using comparative data from the European Social Survey (ESS) and the European Values Study (EVS), we investigate the relationship between nativist attitudes…
A Male Hostility Spiral? Polarized Communication among Political Elites on Social Media
Anti-Immigrant Attitudes and Political Participation in Europe
This article investigates the relationship between anti-immigration attitudes and political participation in European democracies. Using data from the European Social Survey (2002–2018), we first show that a participation gap between pro- and anti-immigrant citizens exists for all types of political participation, even though the gap in voting is relatively small. The analyses also show that leftist and centrist anti-immigrant citizens participat…
The (alleged) consequences of affective polarization: A survey experiment in nine democracies
Affective polarization (or antipathy between supporters of opposing political camps) is considered a threat to societal cohesion and democratic stability worldwide. However, causal evidence of its impact remains scarce, especially outside the United States. Our study examines the individual-level consequences of affective polarization by manipulating it in a survey experiment in nine countries (Brazil, France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Spain, Swede…
Rulers on the road: Itinerant rule in the Holy Roman Empire, AD 919–1519
Itinerant rule, rule exercised through traveling, was a common yet insufficiently researched, premodern form of governance. Studying the determinants of ruler itineraries in the Holy Roman Empire, AD 919–1519, we argue that rulers' visits targeted “marginal” elites. Powerful rulers could count on family members and thus targeted unrelated local elites. Weak emperors had to monitor their less loyal relatives and left unrelated nobles unvisited. We…
Political science (22 works) · Law (18 works) · Sociology (17 works) · Law (16 works) · Politics (16 works) · Psychology (11 works) · Social Psychology (11 works) · Political economy (10 works) · Democracy (9 works) · Economics (9 works)