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Geir Flikke

Biographic Data

ID2128453
NAMEGeir Flikke
GIVEN NAMESGeir
FAMILY NAMEFlikke
SIGNATUREFLIKKE G
AFFILIATIONSUniversity of Oslo
ORCID0009-0000-5272-8448
VERIFIEDYes
TOTAL WORKS26
TOTAL CITATIONS79
AUTHOR COUNT26
EDITOR COUNT0
FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR1999
LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR2026
H-INDEX5
  • Russia’s Federal Assembly and the Use of Armed Force Abroad

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Russian Politics•2026

    This article explores three cases where the Kremlin has used military force outside the Russian Federation – the 2014 annexation of Crimea and the war in Donbas, the 2015 military campaign in Syria, and the 2022 full-scale invasion of sovereign Ukraine. The formal patterns of decision-making for military intervention and war fit that of a personalist regime, relying on advice from a smaller circle of decision-makers with background from the secur…

  • Legislative–Executive Relations in Ukraine’s Wartime Conditions

    Open Access•Khrystyna Pelchar, Erik S Herron et al.•ARTICLE•PS Political Science & Politics•2025

    efficient operation of democratic institutions such as GNAT is the highest priority of the current agenda

  • Authoritarian Sovereignization: Russia’s Way out of the Council of Europe

    Geir Flikke, Daniella Slabinski•ARTICLE•Russian Politics•2024

    Russia’s war against Ukraine and departure from the Council of Europe (CoE) in 2022 raises numerous questions about the effect of norm-diffusion in wider Europe. While inclusion in the CoE has provided litigation opportunities for Russian citizens, the process of “sovereignization” pursued by the regime has brought Russia into a downward spinning spiral of authoritarian illiberalism. This study discusses expectations derived from the hybrid regim…

  • The Russian Federal Assembly as a Producer of Legal Restrictions, 2012–2021

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Communist and Post-Communist…•2024•References: 2

    This article discusses the role of the Russian Federal Assembly in legislating containment of the 2011/2012 domestic protests, the increased contentious politics that followed with the 2018 Navalny campaign, and the 2019 Golunov and Moscow City Council electoral demonstrations. It scrutinizes the evolution of restrictive legislation from 2012 to 2021 and finds that, after the protests of 2011/2012 the Federal Assembly has played an ever more impo…

  • Dysfunctional orders: Russia’s rubbish protests and Putin’s limited access order

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Post-Soviet Affairs•2021•Cited by: 3•References: 5

    How do regimes based on limited access orders respond to socially driven discontent? What are the drivers of contentious politics in a state where the authorities assert control over society? This article analyses patterns of protest, repertories, and organization of the “rubbish protests” (musornye protesty) – a phrase coined by the Internet news outlet Zona Media during the Moscow region protests of 2018–2019. The article draws on social moveme…

  • En amerikaner i Putins Russland. Anmeldelse av Michael McFauls «From Cold War to Hot Peace»

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Internasjonal politikk•2019

    in English:From Cold War to Hot Peace: An American Ambassador in Putin’s RussiaGeir Flikke reviews the book "From Cold War to Hot Peace: An American Ambassador in Putin’s Russia" by Michael McFaul

  • Becoming Extinct? Russian Human Rights Activism and the Observer Commissions

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Russian Politics•2018

    Human rights defenders ( hrd s) in hybrid regimes face numerous challenges on the domestic arena. They struggle against complex and non-transparent regulations and hindrances, are obstructed by an intrusive state that seeks not only to regulate human rights activism but also to bar professional and independent human rights ngo s; and they also risk being subjected to violence. This article analyses how Russian hrd s have succeeded in gaining insp…

  • Conflicting Opportunities or Patronal Politics? Restrictive NGO Legislation in Russia 2012–2015

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•2018•Cited by: 15•References: 7

    After the 2011–2012 electoral protest cycles, the opportunity structures for a broad range of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have been narrowed. This essay argues that increased control over NGOs mirrors a deeper conflict of governance models, which is endogenous to the Russian political system, between bureaucratic modernisation and patronal politics. The modernisation sought by the Kremlin under Medvedev’s term brought a greater demand f…

  • The Sword of Damocles: State Governability in Putin’s Third Term

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Problems of Post-Communism•2017•Cited by: 1•References: 15

    Hybrid regime theories offer fruitful insights into how semi-authoritarian regimes maintain stability, without explaining how they cope with loss of legitimacy caused by popular protests. Under such conditions, a hybrid regime must adopt measures to restore the equilibrium, but this may spur more protest and resistance while law enforcement becomes more volatile and non-systematic, making the governance gaps increasingly evident. This article exp…

  • Sino–Russian Relations Status Exchange or Imbalanced Relationship

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Problems of Post-Communism•2016•Cited by: 6•References: 2

    Sino–Russian relations stand as a puzzling interaction of collaboration and competition. Realists have argued that if Russia and China should form a viable alliance, the balance of power in international politics would be altered. There has been little evidence of this taking place, however. Attempts to see the relationship as a harbinger of a new multilateralism also fail to find evidence of growing interdependence between the two. This article …

  • Resurgent authoritarianism: The case of Russia's new NGO legislation

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Post-Soviet Affairs•2016•Cited by: 36•References: 10

    Following the protest demonstrations of the 2011–2012 electoral cycle, tensions between the limited modernization efforts of Medvedev and the resurgent authoritarianism of Putin have become increasingly manifest. These are seen not only in the relationship between society and the state, but also in the “para-constitutional” institutions of the dual state. This article argues that whereas Medvedev created an arena for liberalization within these p…

  • Ingunn Lunde, Martin Paulsen & Michael Gorham (red.): Digital Russia: The Language, Culture and Politics of New Media Communication

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Nordisk øst-forum/Nordisk østforum•2014

  • Graeme Gill: Symbolism and Regime Change in Russia

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Internasjonal politikk•2014

  • Jakob Hedenskog: Naval Strategies in the Black Sea Region

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Nordisk øst-forum/Nordisk østforum•2011

  • Arctic Security in an Age of Climate Change

    Open Access•Oran Young, Franklyn Griffiths et al.•BOOK•Arctic Security in an Age of…•2011

    This book examines Arctic defense policy and military security from the perspective of all eight Arctic states. In light of climate change and melting ice in the Arctic Ocean, Canada, Russia, Denmark (Greenland), Norway and the United States, as well as Iceland, Sweden and Finland, are grappling with an emerging Arctic security paradigm. This volume brings together the world's most seasoned Arctic political-military experts from Europe and North …

  • Fasetter av globaliseringens maktforskyvninger – Statskapitalisme, sikkerhetsprivatisering og multipolaritet

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Internasjonal politikk•2011

  • Chinese-Russian Convergence and Central Asia

    Julie Wilhelmsen, Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Geopolitics•2011•Cited by: 3

    Since the mid-1990s, China's and Russia's strategic outlooks have gradually been converging. The two great powers have incrementally shed their mutual apprehensions and started a comprehensive and multifaceted cooperation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). Simultaneously, as the rift between the US and Russia has opened up and the differences in their views on regional security in Eurasia have become even more evident, China's and Ru…

  • Pacts, Parties and Elite Struggle: Ukraine's Troubled Post-Orange Transition

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•2008•Cited by: 8•References: 12

    This article resuscitates some of the theoretical arguments of transition studies to shed light on the complex institutional and political developments in post-Orange Ukraine (2004 – 2007). In December 2004, Ukraine's elite agreed to embark on a complex transition involving power-sharing between the Rada (parliament) and the government on one side, and the presidency on the other. The new electoral law was to be based on a fully proportional syst…

  • Bokspalte

    Open Access•Indra Overland, Geir Flikke et al.•ARTICLE•Internasjonal politikk•2006

  • Bokspalte

    Open Access•Stein Sundstøl Eriksen, Kristin Haugevik et al.•ARTICLE•Internasjonal politikk•2004

  • From external success to internal collapse: The case of democratic Russia

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•2004•References: 1

    THE DISMANTLING OF THE FIRST UMBRELLA MOVEMENT for political parties in post-Soviet Russia, Democratic Russia, is in many ways just as spectacular as its initial coming into being. Having effectively pressed for independence in 1990 through its group of deputies in the RSFSR Congress and mobilised some 150,000 activists in the spring of 1991 in support of Boris El'tsin's presidential candidacy, the mass movement was reduced by 1992 to a 'tin can,…

  • Bokspalte

    Open Access•Geir Flikke, Stein Tønnesson•ARTICLE•Internasjonal politikk•2002

  • Party Organization in Transitional Parliaments: The Case of the Russian State Duma

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Journal of Communist Studies•2002

    A parliament is a crucial testing ground for the coherence of political parties and an environment in which the distribution of incentives affects party survival. It is commonly held that that in weakly institutionalized parliaments, political parties with distinct organizational structures will strive to shape floor decisions in their partisan image, rather than distribute inclusive and pragmatic incentives aiming at forming stable coalitions. T…

  • Geopolitikk som livsform

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Internasjonal politikk•2001

  • Norge og europeisk sikkerhet – tilpasning til besvær

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Internasjonal politikk•2001

Next
  • Resurgent authoritarianism: The case of Russia's new NGO legislation

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Post-Soviet Affairs•2016•Cited by: 36•References: 10

    Following the protest demonstrations of the 2011–2012 electoral cycle, tensions between the limited modernization efforts of Medvedev and the resurgent authoritarianism of Putin have become increasingly manifest. These are seen not only in the relationship between society and the state, but also in the “para-constitutional” institutions of the dual state. This article argues that whereas Medvedev created an arena for liberalization within these p…

  • Conflicting Opportunities or Patronal Politics? Restrictive NGO Legislation in Russia 2012–2015

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•2018•Cited by: 15•References: 7

    After the 2011–2012 electoral protest cycles, the opportunity structures for a broad range of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have been narrowed. This essay argues that increased control over NGOs mirrors a deeper conflict of governance models, which is endogenous to the Russian political system, between bureaucratic modernisation and patronal politics. The modernisation sought by the Kremlin under Medvedev’s term brought a greater demand f…

  • Pacts, Parties and Elite Struggle: Ukraine's Troubled Post-Orange Transition

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•2008•Cited by: 8•References: 12

    This article resuscitates some of the theoretical arguments of transition studies to shed light on the complex institutional and political developments in post-Orange Ukraine (2004 – 2007). In December 2004, Ukraine's elite agreed to embark on a complex transition involving power-sharing between the Rada (parliament) and the government on one side, and the presidency on the other. The new electoral law was to be based on a fully proportional syst…

  • Patriotic Left-Centrism: The Zigzags of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•1999•Cited by: 7•References: 4

    (1999). Patriotic Left-Centrism: The Zigzags of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Europe-Asia Studies: Vol. 51, No. 2, pp. 275-298

  • Sino–Russian Relations Status Exchange or Imbalanced Relationship

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Problems of Post-Communism•2016•Cited by: 6•References: 2

    Sino–Russian relations stand as a puzzling interaction of collaboration and competition. Realists have argued that if Russia and China should form a viable alliance, the balance of power in international politics would be altered. There has been little evidence of this taking place, however. Attempts to see the relationship as a harbinger of a new multilateralism also fail to find evidence of growing interdependence between the two. This article …

  • Dysfunctional orders: Russia’s rubbish protests and Putin’s limited access order

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Post-Soviet Affairs•2021•Cited by: 3•References: 5

    How do regimes based on limited access orders respond to socially driven discontent? What are the drivers of contentious politics in a state where the authorities assert control over society? This article analyses patterns of protest, repertories, and organization of the “rubbish protests” (musornye protesty) – a phrase coined by the Internet news outlet Zona Media during the Moscow region protests of 2018–2019. The article draws on social moveme…

  • Chinese-Russian Convergence and Central Asia

    Julie Wilhelmsen, Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Geopolitics•2011•Cited by: 3

    Since the mid-1990s, China's and Russia's strategic outlooks have gradually been converging. The two great powers have incrementally shed their mutual apprehensions and started a comprehensive and multifaceted cooperation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). Simultaneously, as the rift between the US and Russia has opened up and the differences in their views on regional security in Eurasia have become even more evident, China's and Ru…

  • The Sword of Damocles: State Governability in Putin’s Third Term

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Problems of Post-Communism•2017•Cited by: 1•References: 15

    Hybrid regime theories offer fruitful insights into how semi-authoritarian regimes maintain stability, without explaining how they cope with loss of legitimacy caused by popular protests. Under such conditions, a hybrid regime must adopt measures to restore the equilibrium, but this may spur more protest and resistance while law enforcement becomes more volatile and non-systematic, making the governance gaps increasingly evident. This article exp…

  • Patriotic Left-Centrism: The Zigzags of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•1999•Cited by: 7•References: 4

    (1999). Patriotic Left-Centrism: The Zigzags of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Europe-Asia Studies: Vol. 51, No. 2, pp. 275-298

  • Geopolitikk som livsform

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Internasjonal politikk•2001

  • Norge og europeisk sikkerhet – tilpasning til besvær

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Internasjonal politikk•2001

  • Bokspalte

    Open Access•Geir Flikke, Stein Tønnesson•ARTICLE•Internasjonal politikk•2002

  • Party Organization in Transitional Parliaments: The Case of the Russian State Duma

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Journal of Communist Studies•2002

    A parliament is a crucial testing ground for the coherence of political parties and an environment in which the distribution of incentives affects party survival. It is commonly held that that in weakly institutionalized parliaments, political parties with distinct organizational structures will strive to shape floor decisions in their partisan image, rather than distribute inclusive and pragmatic incentives aiming at forming stable coalitions. T…

  • Bokspalte

    Open Access•Stein Sundstøl Eriksen, Kristin Haugevik et al.•ARTICLE•Internasjonal politikk•2004

  • From external success to internal collapse: The case of democratic Russia

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•2004•References: 1

    THE DISMANTLING OF THE FIRST UMBRELLA MOVEMENT for political parties in post-Soviet Russia, Democratic Russia, is in many ways just as spectacular as its initial coming into being. Having effectively pressed for independence in 1990 through its group of deputies in the RSFSR Congress and mobilised some 150,000 activists in the spring of 1991 in support of Boris El'tsin's presidential candidacy, the mass movement was reduced by 1992 to a 'tin can,…

  • Bokspalte

    Open Access•Indra Overland, Geir Flikke et al.•ARTICLE•Internasjonal politikk•2006

  • Pacts, Parties and Elite Struggle: Ukraine's Troubled Post-Orange Transition

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•2008•Cited by: 8•References: 12

    This article resuscitates some of the theoretical arguments of transition studies to shed light on the complex institutional and political developments in post-Orange Ukraine (2004 – 2007). In December 2004, Ukraine's elite agreed to embark on a complex transition involving power-sharing between the Rada (parliament) and the government on one side, and the presidency on the other. The new electoral law was to be based on a fully proportional syst…

  • Jakob Hedenskog: Naval Strategies in the Black Sea Region

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Nordisk øst-forum/Nordisk østforum•2011

  • Arctic Security in an Age of Climate Change

    Open Access•Oran Young, Franklyn Griffiths et al.•BOOK•Arctic Security in an Age of…•2011

    This book examines Arctic defense policy and military security from the perspective of all eight Arctic states. In light of climate change and melting ice in the Arctic Ocean, Canada, Russia, Denmark (Greenland), Norway and the United States, as well as Iceland, Sweden and Finland, are grappling with an emerging Arctic security paradigm. This volume brings together the world's most seasoned Arctic political-military experts from Europe and North …

  • Fasetter av globaliseringens maktforskyvninger – Statskapitalisme, sikkerhetsprivatisering og multipolaritet

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Internasjonal politikk•2011

  • Chinese-Russian Convergence and Central Asia

    Julie Wilhelmsen, Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Geopolitics•2011•Cited by: 3

    Since the mid-1990s, China's and Russia's strategic outlooks have gradually been converging. The two great powers have incrementally shed their mutual apprehensions and started a comprehensive and multifaceted cooperation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). Simultaneously, as the rift between the US and Russia has opened up and the differences in their views on regional security in Eurasia have become even more evident, China's and Ru…

  • Ingunn Lunde, Martin Paulsen & Michael Gorham (red.): Digital Russia: The Language, Culture and Politics of New Media Communication

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Nordisk øst-forum/Nordisk østforum•2014

  • Graeme Gill: Symbolism and Regime Change in Russia

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Internasjonal politikk•2014

  • Sino–Russian Relations Status Exchange or Imbalanced Relationship

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Problems of Post-Communism•2016•Cited by: 6•References: 2

    Sino–Russian relations stand as a puzzling interaction of collaboration and competition. Realists have argued that if Russia and China should form a viable alliance, the balance of power in international politics would be altered. There has been little evidence of this taking place, however. Attempts to see the relationship as a harbinger of a new multilateralism also fail to find evidence of growing interdependence between the two. This article …

  • Resurgent authoritarianism: The case of Russia's new NGO legislation

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Post-Soviet Affairs•2016•Cited by: 36•References: 10

    Following the protest demonstrations of the 2011–2012 electoral cycle, tensions between the limited modernization efforts of Medvedev and the resurgent authoritarianism of Putin have become increasingly manifest. These are seen not only in the relationship between society and the state, but also in the “para-constitutional” institutions of the dual state. This article argues that whereas Medvedev created an arena for liberalization within these p…

  • The Sword of Damocles: State Governability in Putin’s Third Term

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Problems of Post-Communism•2017•Cited by: 1•References: 15

    Hybrid regime theories offer fruitful insights into how semi-authoritarian regimes maintain stability, without explaining how they cope with loss of legitimacy caused by popular protests. Under such conditions, a hybrid regime must adopt measures to restore the equilibrium, but this may spur more protest and resistance while law enforcement becomes more volatile and non-systematic, making the governance gaps increasingly evident. This article exp…

  • Becoming Extinct? Russian Human Rights Activism and the Observer Commissions

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Russian Politics•2018

    Human rights defenders ( hrd s) in hybrid regimes face numerous challenges on the domestic arena. They struggle against complex and non-transparent regulations and hindrances, are obstructed by an intrusive state that seeks not only to regulate human rights activism but also to bar professional and independent human rights ngo s; and they also risk being subjected to violence. This article analyses how Russian hrd s have succeeded in gaining insp…

  • Conflicting Opportunities or Patronal Politics? Restrictive NGO Legislation in Russia 2012–2015

    Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•2018•Cited by: 15•References: 7

    After the 2011–2012 electoral protest cycles, the opportunity structures for a broad range of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have been narrowed. This essay argues that increased control over NGOs mirrors a deeper conflict of governance models, which is endogenous to the Russian political system, between bureaucratic modernisation and patronal politics. The modernisation sought by the Kremlin under Medvedev’s term brought a greater demand f…

  • En amerikaner i Putins Russland. Anmeldelse av Michael McFauls «From Cold War to Hot Peace»

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Internasjonal politikk•2019

    in English:From Cold War to Hot Peace: An American Ambassador in Putin’s RussiaGeir Flikke reviews the book "From Cold War to Hot Peace: An American Ambassador in Putin’s Russia" by Michael McFaul

  • Dysfunctional orders: Russia’s rubbish protests and Putin’s limited access order

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Post-Soviet Affairs•2021•Cited by: 3•References: 5

    How do regimes based on limited access orders respond to socially driven discontent? What are the drivers of contentious politics in a state where the authorities assert control over society? This article analyses patterns of protest, repertories, and organization of the “rubbish protests” (musornye protesty) – a phrase coined by the Internet news outlet Zona Media during the Moscow region protests of 2018–2019. The article draws on social moveme…

  • Authoritarian Sovereignization: Russia’s Way out of the Council of Europe

    Geir Flikke, Daniella Slabinski•ARTICLE•Russian Politics•2024

    Russia’s war against Ukraine and departure from the Council of Europe (CoE) in 2022 raises numerous questions about the effect of norm-diffusion in wider Europe. While inclusion in the CoE has provided litigation opportunities for Russian citizens, the process of “sovereignization” pursued by the regime has brought Russia into a downward spinning spiral of authoritarian illiberalism. This study discusses expectations derived from the hybrid regim…

  • The Russian Federal Assembly as a Producer of Legal Restrictions, 2012–2021

    Open Access•Geir Flikke•ARTICLE•Communist and Post-Communist…•2024•References: 2

    This article discusses the role of the Russian Federal Assembly in legislating containment of the 2011/2012 domestic protests, the increased contentious politics that followed with the 2018 Navalny campaign, and the 2019 Golunov and Moscow City Council electoral demonstrations. It scrutinizes the evolution of restrictive legislation from 2012 to 2021 and finds that, after the protests of 2011/2012 the Federal Assembly has played an ever more impo…

  • Legislative–Executive Relations in Ukraine’s Wartime Conditions

    Open Access•Khrystyna Pelchar, Erik S Herron et al.•ARTICLE•PS Political Science & Politics•2025

    efficient operation of democratic institutions such as GNAT is the highest priority of the current agenda

Political science (24 works) · Law (17 works) · Law (14 works) · Politics (13 works) · Sociology (11 works) · Political economy (10 works) · Political Conflict and Governance (9 works) · Economics (7 works) · State (computer science (6 works) · Democracy (5 works)

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