Lauren Clemens
Biographic Data
| ID | 216062 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Lauren Clemens |
| GIVEN NAMES | Lauren |
| FAMILY NAME | Clemens |
| SIGNATURE | CLEMENS L |
| AFFILIATIONS | Department of Anthropology Program in Linguistics and Cognitive Science State University of New York at Albany 1400 Washington Avenue Albany, NY 12222 USA |
| VERIFIED | No |
| TOTAL WORKS | 5 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 34 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 5 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2018 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2021 |
| H-INDEX | 3 |
Attachment height and prosodic phrasing in Rutooro
Syntactic Ergativity as a Constraint on Crossing Dependencies: The Perspective from Mayan
This article presents an account of syntactic ergativity based on the grammaticalization of a processing-based preference for nested as compared with crossing dependencies. We propose that ergative subject extraction restrictions arise because such movement would cross the prior Ā-movement path of the absolutive object and create an illicit crossed dependency. Our account predicts that arguments merged between the A-movement tails of the absoluti…
Tone lowering in nominal compounds of Copala Triqui
This paper examines the distribution of tone lowering in the nominal compounds of Copala Triqui (Otomanguean). We consider two types of compounds: fused compounds and unfused compounds, which differ with respect to their prosodic complexity. For both types of compounds, the second root noun lowers in some examples, while it maintains its lexically specified tone in others. In this paper, we consider the advantages and disadvantages of a lexical a…
Prosodic Noun Incorporation: The Relationship between Prosody and Argument Structure in Niuean
This paper argues for a uniform X0-raising analysis of VSO and VOS word order in Niuean. Accounting for VSO via X0raising has a strong foundation in the V1 literature; the claim that X0raising can also underlie VOS word order-as in Niuean's pseudo-noun-incorporation construction-is more controversial. This paper explains the VOS order of Niuean pseudo noun incorporation by appealing to a condition on prosodic well-formedness,Argument-φ, that requ…
Deriving verb-initial word order in Mayan
Individual languages in the Mayan family display either rigid VSO or alternating VOS/VSO word orders (England 1991). In this article we review problems with previous accounts of Mayan word order and argue that verb-initial (V1) order is consistently derived by head movement of the verb to a position above the subject and below Infl 0 , which accounts for uniformity in verb-stem formation across the family. After an in-depth examination of the fac…
Deriving verb-initial word order in Mayan
Individual languages in the Mayan family display either rigid VSO or alternating VOS/VSO word orders (England 1991). In this article we review problems with previous accounts of Mayan word order and argue that verb-initial (V1) order is consistently derived by head movement of the verb to a position above the subject and below Infl 0 , which accounts for uniformity in verb-stem formation across the family. After an in-depth examination of the fac…
Prosodic Noun Incorporation: The Relationship between Prosody and Argument Structure in Niuean
This paper argues for a uniform X0-raising analysis of VSO and VOS word order in Niuean. Accounting for VSO via X0raising has a strong foundation in the V1 literature; the claim that X0raising can also underlie VOS word order-as in Niuean's pseudo-noun-incorporation construction-is more controversial. This paper explains the VOS order of Niuean pseudo noun incorporation by appealing to a condition on prosodic well-formedness,Argument-φ, that requ…
Attachment height and prosodic phrasing in Rutooro
Syntactic Ergativity as a Constraint on Crossing Dependencies: The Perspective from Mayan
This article presents an account of syntactic ergativity based on the grammaticalization of a processing-based preference for nested as compared with crossing dependencies. We propose that ergative subject extraction restrictions arise because such movement would cross the prior Ā-movement path of the absolutive object and create an illicit crossed dependency. Our account predicts that arguments merged between the A-movement tails of the absoluti…
Deriving verb-initial word order in Mayan
Individual languages in the Mayan family display either rigid VSO or alternating VOS/VSO word orders (England 1991). In this article we review problems with previous accounts of Mayan word order and argue that verb-initial (V1) order is consistently derived by head movement of the verb to a position above the subject and below Infl 0 , which accounts for uniformity in verb-stem formation across the family. After an in-depth examination of the fac…
Prosodic Noun Incorporation: The Relationship between Prosody and Argument Structure in Niuean
This paper argues for a uniform X0-raising analysis of VSO and VOS word order in Niuean. Accounting for VSO via X0raising has a strong foundation in the V1 literature; the claim that X0raising can also underlie VOS word order-as in Niuean's pseudo-noun-incorporation construction-is more controversial. This paper explains the VOS order of Niuean pseudo noun incorporation by appealing to a condition on prosodic well-formedness,Argument-φ, that requ…
Tone lowering in nominal compounds of Copala Triqui
This paper examines the distribution of tone lowering in the nominal compounds of Copala Triqui (Otomanguean). We consider two types of compounds: fused compounds and unfused compounds, which differ with respect to their prosodic complexity. For both types of compounds, the second root noun lowers in some examples, while it maintains its lexically specified tone in others. In this paper, we consider the advantages and disadvantages of a lexical a…
Attachment height and prosodic phrasing in Rutooro
Syntactic Ergativity as a Constraint on Crossing Dependencies: The Perspective from Mayan
This article presents an account of syntactic ergativity based on the grammaticalization of a processing-based preference for nested as compared with crossing dependencies. We propose that ergative subject extraction restrictions arise because such movement would cross the prior Ā-movement path of the absolutive object and create an illicit crossed dependency. Our account predicts that arguments merged between the A-movement tails of the absoluti…
Computer Science (5 works) · Linguistics (5 works) · Mathematics (5 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (5 works) · Philosophy (4 works) · Phonetics and Phonology Research (4 works) · Linguistic Variation and Morphology (3 works) · Noun (3 works) · Grammaticalization (2 works) · Natural language processing (2 works)