Gesoel Ernesto Ribeiro Mendes
Biographic Data
| ID | 2253391 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Gesoel Ernesto Ribeiro Mendes |
| GIVEN NAMES | Gesoel Ernesto Ribeiro |
| FAMILY NAME | Mendes |
| SIGNATURE | MENDES G E R |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Maryland, College Park |
| ORCID | 0000-0003-1564-1970 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 6 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 3 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 6 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2020 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2024 |
| H-INDEX | 1 |
Agreement Switch in Verb-Echo Answers
In this article, we claim that syntactic objects undergoing ellipsis can be targeted by both narrow syntactic and PF operations. We base this conclusion on experimental evidence from the interaction between single conjunct agreement and verb-echo answers in South Slavic, which we show to be derived via verb-stranding VP ellipsis. Adopting the view that Vocabulary Insertion replaces Q-variables on lexical heads (Halle 1991) and ellipsis is a synta…
Salvation by Deletion in Nupe
This article presents novel data from ellipsis in Nupe, a Benue-Congo language of Nigeria, and explores its theoretical implications. Three claims are made. First, sluicing in Nupe counterexemplifies Merchant's (2001) Sluicing-COMP Generalization. Second, ungrammatical outputs resulting from extraction from perfect clauses are salvaged by ellipsis, arguing against Kandybowicz's (2009) analysis where such a restriction is a narrow-syntax derivatio…
When Ellipsis Can Save Defectiveness and When It Can’t
We discuss cases of salvation and non-salvation by deletion in the domain of lexical gaps, and distinguish two types of defectiveness: (a) defectiveness that can be saved by PF deletion, which we take to signal the lack of an eligible allomorph for certain environments within a language, and (b) defectiveness that cannot be saved by PF deletion, which we take to signal the lack of a proper alloseme for a given environment. With ellipsis modeled a…
Sluicing and focus related particles in Brazilian Portuguese and Nupe
We argue that the C-element que, following fronted wh-elements and fronted focused elements more generally in Brazilian Portuguese, is realized as Fin, rather than Foc (MENDES & KANDYBOWICZ, 2021; pace MIOTO, 2001; MIOTO & KATO, 2005). We put together three observations from the literature: (i) the appearance of que is contingent on wh/focus fronting; (ii) que introduces a finite clause, and (iii) que disappears under sluicing. We present novel e…
Chain Reduction via Substitution
We argue that deletion is not the only way that chain links created by A′-movement can be affected at PF. Chain links can also be substituted by a morpheme. This substitution delivers a linearizable output (in a manner parallel to deletion), creating overt “traces” on the surface. We demonstrate the virtues of our proposal through the empirical lens of adjunct extraction in two Mayan languages of the K’ichean branch: K’iche’ and Kaqchikel. In the…
Does ellipsis repair Head Movement constraint violations
Using English data, I show that Head Movement Constraint violations cannot be repaired by deletion and compare this result with cases of salvation and non-salvation by ellipsis from previous literature. I then consider two possible sources for this lack of repair. The first is to take the Head Movement Constraint as a derivational constraint, and the second is to assimilate it into the Empty Category Principle (Chomsky 1986)
Salvation by Deletion in Nupe
This article presents novel data from ellipsis in Nupe, a Benue-Congo language of Nigeria, and explores its theoretical implications. Three claims are made. First, sluicing in Nupe counterexemplifies Merchant's (2001) Sluicing-COMP Generalization. Second, ungrammatical outputs resulting from extraction from perfect clauses are salvaged by ellipsis, arguing against Kandybowicz's (2009) analysis where such a restriction is a narrow-syntax derivatio…
Does ellipsis repair Head Movement constraint violations
Using English data, I show that Head Movement Constraint violations cannot be repaired by deletion and compare this result with cases of salvation and non-salvation by ellipsis from previous literature. I then consider two possible sources for this lack of repair. The first is to take the Head Movement Constraint as a derivational constraint, and the second is to assimilate it into the Empty Category Principle (Chomsky 1986)
Chain Reduction via Substitution
We argue that deletion is not the only way that chain links created by A′-movement can be affected at PF. Chain links can also be substituted by a morpheme. This substitution delivers a linearizable output (in a manner parallel to deletion), creating overt “traces” on the surface. We demonstrate the virtues of our proposal through the empirical lens of adjunct extraction in two Mayan languages of the K’ichean branch: K’iche’ and Kaqchikel. In the…
When Ellipsis Can Save Defectiveness and When It Can’t
We discuss cases of salvation and non-salvation by deletion in the domain of lexical gaps, and distinguish two types of defectiveness: (a) defectiveness that can be saved by PF deletion, which we take to signal the lack of an eligible allomorph for certain environments within a language, and (b) defectiveness that cannot be saved by PF deletion, which we take to signal the lack of a proper alloseme for a given environment. With ellipsis modeled a…
Sluicing and focus related particles in Brazilian Portuguese and Nupe
We argue that the C-element que, following fronted wh-elements and fronted focused elements more generally in Brazilian Portuguese, is realized as Fin, rather than Foc (MENDES & KANDYBOWICZ, 2021; pace MIOTO, 2001; MIOTO & KATO, 2005). We put together three observations from the literature: (i) the appearance of que is contingent on wh/focus fronting; (ii) que introduces a finite clause, and (iii) que disappears under sluicing. We present novel e…
Salvation by Deletion in Nupe
This article presents novel data from ellipsis in Nupe, a Benue-Congo language of Nigeria, and explores its theoretical implications. Three claims are made. First, sluicing in Nupe counterexemplifies Merchant's (2001) Sluicing-COMP Generalization. Second, ungrammatical outputs resulting from extraction from perfect clauses are salvaged by ellipsis, arguing against Kandybowicz's (2009) analysis where such a restriction is a narrow-syntax derivatio…
Agreement Switch in Verb-Echo Answers
In this article, we claim that syntactic objects undergoing ellipsis can be targeted by both narrow syntactic and PF operations. We base this conclusion on experimental evidence from the interaction between single conjunct agreement and verb-echo answers in South Slavic, which we show to be derived via verb-stranding VP ellipsis. Adopting the view that Vocabulary Insertion replaces Q-variables on lexical heads (Halle 1991) and ellipsis is a synta…
Computer Science (6 works) · Linguistics (6 works) · Philosophy (6 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (6 works) · Mathematics (5 works) · Ellipsis (linguistics) (3 works) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (3 works) · Aesthetics (2 works) · Arithmetic (2 works) · Artificial Intelligence (2 works)