Noah Carl
Biographic Data
| ID | 258733 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Noah Carl |
| GIVEN NAMES | Noah |
| FAMILY NAME | Carl |
| SIGNATURE | CARL N |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Oxford |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-4442-9939 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 17 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 89 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 17 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2016 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2022 |
| H-INDEX | 4 |
Smart Fraction Theory: A Comprehensive Re-evaluation
Previous studies have found that the ability of a country’s cognitive elite is generally more predictive than the average ability. However, these studies have relied on sub-optimal methods. Here, the authors tested smart fraction theory, as it is known, using a pre-residualization approach, which obviates the problem of collinearity. For outcome variables, they utilised the 51 indicators of the Social Progress Index, as well as 6 economic variabl…
The left-liberal skew of Western media
We gathered survey data on journalists’ political views in 17 Western countries. We then matched these data to outcomes from national elections, and constructed metrics of journalists’ relative preference for different political parties. Compared to the general population of voters, journalists prefer parties that have more left-wing positions overall (r’s -.47 to -.53, depending on the metric used), and that are associated with certain ideologie…
More Diversity? Talk is Cheap
White academics who sign petitions and otherwise advocate for more “diversity” can do something that would immediately transform unrepresentative campuses: resign
Not just ‘the left behind’? Exploring the effects of subjective social status on Brexit-related preferences
It has recently been argued that subjective status – the way individuals feel about their worth in society – deserves greater prominence in accounts of political preferences including anti-immigration sentiment and Brexit. In this paper, we give a detailed empirical account of the relationship between Subjective Social Status (SSS) and Brexit-related preferences, using data collected online in the autumn of 2017 (N = 3600). We find limited eviden…
Are Danes’ Immigration Policy Preferences Based on Accurate Stereotypes
Stereotypes about 32 country-of-origin groups were measured using an online survey of the adult, non-elderly Danish population (n = 476 after quality control). Participants were asked to estimate each group’s net fiscal contribution in Denmark. These estimates were then compared to the actual net fiscal contributions for the 32 groups, taken from a report by the Danish Ministry of Finance. Stereotypes were found to be highly accurate, both at the…
The Good Country Index, Cognitive Ability and Culture
The Good Country Index ( GCI ) measures countries’ contributions to global prosperity in domains such as peace, climate and health. It is known that political institutions and wealth can enhance a country’s ability to be ‘good’. However, past research has shown that the cognitive ability of a society – and of its intellectual classes in particular – as well as education and background factors such as culture and evolutionary history, may be parti…
European but not European enough: An explanation for Brexit
To date, most accounts of the UK’s vote to leave the EU have focussed on explaining variation across individuals and constituencies within the UK. In this article, we attempt to answer a different question, namely ‘Why was it the UK that voted to leave, rather than any other member state?’. We show that the UK has long been one of the most Eurosceptic countries in the EU, which we argue can be partly explained by Britons’ comparatively weak sense…
Preference for realistic art predicts support for Brexit
Following the UK's EU referendum in June 2016, there has been considerable interest from scholars in understanding the characteristics that differentiate Leave supporters from Remain supporters. Since Leave supporters score higher on conscientiousness but lower on neuroticism and openness, and given their general proclivity toward conservatism, we hypothesized that preference for realistic art would predict support for Brexit. Data on a large nat…
Leave and Remain voters' knowledge of the EU after the referendum of 2016
Larregue’s Critique of Cofnas et al. (2017): A Rejoinder
Data from the General Social Survey indicate that conservatives' self-reported trust in scientists has steadily decreased since 1974. In Cofnas et al. ( The American Sociologist , 2017), we suggested that this trend may have been partly driven by the increasing tendency of scientific institutions, and the representatives of such institutions, to distort social science for the sake of liberal activism. Larregue ( The American Sociologist , 2017) m…
Red Lines and Compromises: Mapping Underlying Complexities of Brexit Preferences
The political discourse is characterised by two opposing ideals of hard and soft Brexit. In this article, we present evidence of attitudinal types that map neatly onto these archetypal views. The hard Brexit view is defined by issues that eurosceptics prioritise, most prominently sovereignty. By contrast, europhiles prioritise cooperation with Europe in terms of scientific collaboration and market access. However, attitudinal types are not either…
Does Activism in Social Science Explain Conservatives’ Distrust of Scientists
Human Rights: Why Countries Differ
Countries differ with respect to human rights. Using the cross-countryciridata (Cingranelli & Richards), the authors tested two theories. The cognitive-moral enlightenment theory going back to Piaget and Socrates postulates that individuals and nations with higher levels of cognitive ability think and behave in a way more conducive to human rights. The culture-religion theory going back to Weber, Sombart and Voltaire postulates that different rel…
Listening to the Experts on European Monetary Integration: Comment on Waltraud Schelkle's Response
Lack of European Identity and the Failure of the Eurozone
In the article “Lack of European Identity and the Failure of the Eurozone” (DOI: 10.1111/1467-923X.12414),1 published in Wiley Online Library on 22 August 2017 and in The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, pp. 674–83, Table 1, in the row corresponding to ‘Reducing public debt’ the ‘Average across 27 member states’ should be 44, and the ‘Average across 10 net contributor states’ should be 37
Ethnicity and electoral fraud in Britain
Iq and Socioeconomic Development Across Regions of the Uk
Cross-regional correlations between average IQ and socioeconomic development have been documented in many different countries. This paper presents new IQ estimates for the twelve regions of the UK. These are weakly correlated ( r =0.24) with the regional IQs assembled by Lynn (1979). Assuming the two sets of estimates are accurate and comparable, this finding suggests that the relative IQs of different UK regions have changed since the 1950s, mos…
European but not European enough: An explanation for Brexit
To date, most accounts of the UK’s vote to leave the EU have focussed on explaining variation across individuals and constituencies within the UK. In this article, we attempt to answer a different question, namely ‘Why was it the UK that voted to leave, rather than any other member state?’. We show that the UK has long been one of the most Eurosceptic countries in the EU, which we argue can be partly explained by Britons’ comparatively weak sense…
Does Activism in Social Science Explain Conservatives’ Distrust of Scientists
Leave and Remain voters' knowledge of the EU after the referendum of 2016
Red Lines and Compromises: Mapping Underlying Complexities of Brexit Preferences
The political discourse is characterised by two opposing ideals of hard and soft Brexit. In this article, we present evidence of attitudinal types that map neatly onto these archetypal views. The hard Brexit view is defined by issues that eurosceptics prioritise, most prominently sovereignty. By contrast, europhiles prioritise cooperation with Europe in terms of scientific collaboration and market access. However, attitudinal types are not either…
Human Rights: Why Countries Differ
Countries differ with respect to human rights. Using the cross-countryciridata (Cingranelli & Richards), the authors tested two theories. The cognitive-moral enlightenment theory going back to Piaget and Socrates postulates that individuals and nations with higher levels of cognitive ability think and behave in a way more conducive to human rights. The culture-religion theory going back to Weber, Sombart and Voltaire postulates that different rel…
Preference for realistic art predicts support for Brexit
Following the UK's EU referendum in June 2016, there has been considerable interest from scholars in understanding the characteristics that differentiate Leave supporters from Remain supporters. Since Leave supporters score higher on conscientiousness but lower on neuroticism and openness, and given their general proclivity toward conservatism, we hypothesized that preference for realistic art would predict support for Brexit. Data on a large nat…
Ethnicity and electoral fraud in Britain
Not just ‘the left behind’? Exploring the effects of subjective social status on Brexit-related preferences
It has recently been argued that subjective status – the way individuals feel about their worth in society – deserves greater prominence in accounts of political preferences including anti-immigration sentiment and Brexit. In this paper, we give a detailed empirical account of the relationship between Subjective Social Status (SSS) and Brexit-related preferences, using data collected online in the autumn of 2017 (N = 3600). We find limited eviden…
Are Danes’ Immigration Policy Preferences Based on Accurate Stereotypes
Stereotypes about 32 country-of-origin groups were measured using an online survey of the adult, non-elderly Danish population (n = 476 after quality control). Participants were asked to estimate each group’s net fiscal contribution in Denmark. These estimates were then compared to the actual net fiscal contributions for the 32 groups, taken from a report by the Danish Ministry of Finance. Stereotypes were found to be highly accurate, both at the…
The Good Country Index, Cognitive Ability and Culture
The Good Country Index ( GCI ) measures countries’ contributions to global prosperity in domains such as peace, climate and health. It is known that political institutions and wealth can enhance a country’s ability to be ‘good’. However, past research has shown that the cognitive ability of a society – and of its intellectual classes in particular – as well as education and background factors such as culture and evolutionary history, may be parti…
Iq and Socioeconomic Development Across Regions of the Uk
Cross-regional correlations between average IQ and socioeconomic development have been documented in many different countries. This paper presents new IQ estimates for the twelve regions of the UK. These are weakly correlated ( r =0.24) with the regional IQs assembled by Lynn (1979). Assuming the two sets of estimates are accurate and comparable, this finding suggests that the relative IQs of different UK regions have changed since the 1950s, mos…
Listening to the Experts on European Monetary Integration: Comment on Waltraud Schelkle's Response
Lack of European Identity and the Failure of the Eurozone
In the article “Lack of European Identity and the Failure of the Eurozone” (DOI: 10.1111/1467-923X.12414),1 published in Wiley Online Library on 22 August 2017 and in The Political Quarterly, vol. 88, pp. 674–83, Table 1, in the row corresponding to ‘Reducing public debt’ the ‘Average across 27 member states’ should be 44, and the ‘Average across 10 net contributor states’ should be 37
Ethnicity and electoral fraud in Britain
Larregue’s Critique of Cofnas et al. (2017): A Rejoinder
Data from the General Social Survey indicate that conservatives' self-reported trust in scientists has steadily decreased since 1974. In Cofnas et al. ( The American Sociologist , 2017), we suggested that this trend may have been partly driven by the increasing tendency of scientific institutions, and the representatives of such institutions, to distort social science for the sake of liberal activism. Larregue ( The American Sociologist , 2017) m…
Red Lines and Compromises: Mapping Underlying Complexities of Brexit Preferences
The political discourse is characterised by two opposing ideals of hard and soft Brexit. In this article, we present evidence of attitudinal types that map neatly onto these archetypal views. The hard Brexit view is defined by issues that eurosceptics prioritise, most prominently sovereignty. By contrast, europhiles prioritise cooperation with Europe in terms of scientific collaboration and market access. However, attitudinal types are not either…
Does Activism in Social Science Explain Conservatives’ Distrust of Scientists
Human Rights: Why Countries Differ
Countries differ with respect to human rights. Using the cross-countryciridata (Cingranelli & Richards), the authors tested two theories. The cognitive-moral enlightenment theory going back to Piaget and Socrates postulates that individuals and nations with higher levels of cognitive ability think and behave in a way more conducive to human rights. The culture-religion theory going back to Weber, Sombart and Voltaire postulates that different rel…
European but not European enough: An explanation for Brexit
To date, most accounts of the UK’s vote to leave the EU have focussed on explaining variation across individuals and constituencies within the UK. In this article, we attempt to answer a different question, namely ‘Why was it the UK that voted to leave, rather than any other member state?’. We show that the UK has long been one of the most Eurosceptic countries in the EU, which we argue can be partly explained by Britons’ comparatively weak sense…
Preference for realistic art predicts support for Brexit
Following the UK's EU referendum in June 2016, there has been considerable interest from scholars in understanding the characteristics that differentiate Leave supporters from Remain supporters. Since Leave supporters score higher on conscientiousness but lower on neuroticism and openness, and given their general proclivity toward conservatism, we hypothesized that preference for realistic art would predict support for Brexit. Data on a large nat…
Leave and Remain voters' knowledge of the EU after the referendum of 2016
Not just ‘the left behind’? Exploring the effects of subjective social status on Brexit-related preferences
It has recently been argued that subjective status – the way individuals feel about their worth in society – deserves greater prominence in accounts of political preferences including anti-immigration sentiment and Brexit. In this paper, we give a detailed empirical account of the relationship between Subjective Social Status (SSS) and Brexit-related preferences, using data collected online in the autumn of 2017 (N = 3600). We find limited eviden…
Are Danes’ Immigration Policy Preferences Based on Accurate Stereotypes
Stereotypes about 32 country-of-origin groups were measured using an online survey of the adult, non-elderly Danish population (n = 476 after quality control). Participants were asked to estimate each group’s net fiscal contribution in Denmark. These estimates were then compared to the actual net fiscal contributions for the 32 groups, taken from a report by the Danish Ministry of Finance. Stereotypes were found to be highly accurate, both at the…
The Good Country Index, Cognitive Ability and Culture
The Good Country Index ( GCI ) measures countries’ contributions to global prosperity in domains such as peace, climate and health. It is known that political institutions and wealth can enhance a country’s ability to be ‘good’. However, past research has shown that the cognitive ability of a society – and of its intellectual classes in particular – as well as education and background factors such as culture and evolutionary history, may be parti…
The left-liberal skew of Western media
We gathered survey data on journalists’ political views in 17 Western countries. We then matched these data to outcomes from national elections, and constructed metrics of journalists’ relative preference for different political parties. Compared to the general population of voters, journalists prefer parties that have more left-wing positions overall (r’s -.47 to -.53, depending on the metric used), and that are associated with certain ideologie…
More Diversity? Talk is Cheap
White academics who sign petitions and otherwise advocate for more “diversity” can do something that would immediately transform unrepresentative campuses: resign
Smart Fraction Theory: A Comprehensive Re-evaluation
Previous studies have found that the ability of a country’s cognitive elite is generally more predictive than the average ability. However, these studies have relied on sub-optimal methods. Here, the authors tested smart fraction theory, as it is known, using a pre-residualization approach, which obviates the problem of collinearity. For outcome variables, they utilised the 51 indicators of the Social Progress Index, as well as 6 economic variabl…
Political science (14 works) · Sociology (13 works) · Economics (12 works) · Law (12 works) · Law (9 works) · Psychology (9 works) · Politics (8 works) · Demography (6 works) · European union (6 works) · Population (5 works)