Ido Oren
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 260385 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | Ido Oren |
| NOMBRES | Ido |
| APELLIDO | Oren |
| FIRMA | OREN I |
| AFILIACIONES | University of Florida |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-7470-6135 |
| VERIFICADO | Sí |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 20 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 219 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 20 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 1990 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2020 |
| ÍNDICE H | 7 |
Schools of international affairs in the United States
Although disciplines are but one element of the institutional matrix of higher education, historians of International Relations (IR) rarely explore the field beyond its disciplinary context. To redress this lacuna, I sketch the history of professional international affairs (IA) schools in the United States. IA schools employ many IR scholars and train numerous practitioners, constituting a crucial interface between the IR academy and the policy w…
A Sociological Analysis of the Decline of American IR Theory
In recent years the centrality of grand, paradigmatic theory in American IR has eroded, with the vacuum being filled by largely atheoretical “hypothesis-testing” research. Although a heated debate has emerged on whether it is good or bad for IR, hardly anyone has tried to analyze this trend. I offer an analysis grounded in a conceptual framework elaborated by sociologist Richard Whitley. In the 1980s and 1990s IR approximated the type of social o…
How Can We Make Political Science Less Techno-Centric? Widen Rather than Narrow its Distance from the Government
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Wmd, Wmd, WMD
We seek to reinvigorate and clarify the Copenhagen School's insight that 'security' is not 'a sign that refers to something more real; the utterance ['security'] itself is the act'. We conceptualise the utterances of securitising actors as consisting not in arguments so much as in repetitive spouting of ambiguous phrases (WMD, rogue states, ethnic cleansing). We further propose that audience acceptance consists not in persuasion so much as in joi…
WMD
The danger posed by “weapons of mass destruction” (WMD) was the Bush administration’s chief justification for invading Iraq. Amid the din of the chorus that ceaselessly repeated this phrase in 2002-2003, hardly anyone stopped to ask: what is “WMD” anyway? Is it not a mutable social construct rather than a timeless, self-evident concept? Guided by Nietzsche’s view of the truth as a “mobile army of metaphors [and] metonyms ... which have been enhan…
Why has the United States not bombed Iran? The domestic politics of America's response to Iran's nuclear programme
Why has the United States (US), under both the Bush and Obama administrations, refrained from attacking Iran even though US officials have depicted the Iranian threat in all but apocalyptic terms and even though a loud chorus in Washington has been persistently calling for a preventive strike against Iran? I present an analysis—informed by Graham Allison's famous bureaucratic politics model—of the main political and bureaucratic forces in Washing…
The Unrealism of Contemporary Realism
Realist International Relations thinkers often intervene in political debates and criticize their governments' policies even as they pride themselves on theorizing politics as it “really” is. They rarely reflect on the following contradictions between their theory and their practice: if there is a “real world” impervious to political thought, why bother to try to influence it? And, is realist theory not putatively disconfirmed by the fact that re…
Can Political Science Emulate the Natural Sciences? The Problem of Self-Disconfirming Analysis
American political science has long aspired to emulate both the objective research methods of the natural sciences and their practical successes in controlling their objects of study. Regrettably, the putative tension between these two ambitions is rarely discussed. This essay seeks to touch off such a discussion by illuminating a significant problem that produces tension between objective knowledge accumulation and practical control of politics,…
Is Political Science Really Young
Kim Quaile Hill ( PS: Political Science and Politics , July 2004) seeks to debunk five “myths about the physical sciences” that “pose notable hurdles for appreciating the social sciences as legitimate scientific enterprise” (467). One of these myths is that “the physical sciences have always been highly successful in explaining their subject matter.” Hill complains that political science students are “ignorant of the history of science” and there…
The Enduring Relationship Between the American (National Security) State and the State of the Discipline
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Disarmament Sketches
Journal Article Disarmament Sketches: Three Decades of Arms Control and International Law Get access Disarmament Sketches: Three Decades of Arms Control and International Law by Thomas GrahamSeattle, University of Washington Press, 2002. 362 pp. $35.00. Ido Oren Ido Oren University of Florida Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Political Science Quarterly, Volume 117, Issue 4, Winter 2002, Pages 696–697, https…
Is Culture Independent of National Security
The dominant, positivist, approach to the study of culture and national security specifies `culture' as an independent variable. It assumes that culture, and the study of culture, are uncontaminated by the politics of national security. This formulation contrasts with the dominant understanding of `culture' in the humanities, where culture and power are viewed as constituting a `nexus', and where politics is claimed to shape cultural knowledge, i…
Uncritical Portrayals of Fascist Italy and of Iberic-Latin Dictatorships in American Political Science
Historians have documented extensively the fascination of many American intellectuals with the Soviet Union and fascist Italy during the 1920s and 1930s (Diggins 1966; 1972; Feuer 1962; Filene 1967; Warren 1993). They have also drawn a compelling analogy between the sympathetic attitudes of American intellectuals toward Soviet Russia and the sympathy of a later generation of intellectuals towards Cuba, China and North Vietnam (Skotheim 1971: 96–1…
A Theory of Armament
I develop a theory explaining how states decide how much armament to acquire. The theory treats states as unitary optimizers choosing between guns and butter, and it offers a novel exposition of the role intentions play in armament decisions-how they are perceived, and how their assessment interacts with the assessment of power. One of the results deduced from the theory is that if statesmen worry about intentions more than about power, then high…
Democracies May Rarely Fight One Another, but Developed Socialist States Rarely Fight at All
During the Cold War, US students of international relations paid relatively little attention to second image explanations of war.1 In recent years, though, one can clearly discern a growing emphasis on studying state structure and national attributes as causes of international outcomes. In particular, many recent studies focused on empirical investigations of the war/peace-proneness of countries. In these studies, little systematic evidence was f…
Capability and hostile behavior in arms race models
The interplay of capability and hostile behavior as indicators of threat is under‐conceptualized in arms‐race research. I propose that the motivation (intentions) attributed to a state's hostile acts depends on its capability: the less capable it is, the stronger the motivation. Controlling for the amount of hostile acts, if a state's capability level rises overtime its intentions would appear less malign, hence the state might seemless threateni…
The Subjectivity of the "Democratic" Peace
The Indo-Pakistani Arms Competition
The author applies to South Asia a theory of armament that he developed in the context of the superpowers' arms rivalry. The empirical findings are consistent with the results for the superpowers' case: India and Pakistan are found to have matched high levels of armaments with low levels and vice versa. Such results are analytically similar to empirical evidence on alliances showing that states, including India and Pakistan, often ally with the s…
Award Recipients
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button
The War Proneness of Alliances
In the theoretical literature, alliances have been hypothesized to lead to war as well as away from war. This study statistically examines the relationship between the size of alliances and the war proneness of their members. Analyzing data on the war record of 126 major power alliances formed during the period 1816-1980, it is shown that the larger the alliance, the more wars each of its members is likely to be involved in. This result is consis…
The Subjectivity of the "Democratic" Peace
Wmd, Wmd, WMD
We seek to reinvigorate and clarify the Copenhagen School's insight that 'security' is not 'a sign that refers to something more real; the utterance ['security'] itself is the act'. We conceptualise the utterances of securitising actors as consisting not in arguments so much as in repetitive spouting of ambiguous phrases (WMD, rogue states, ethnic cleansing). We further propose that audience acceptance consists not in persuasion so much as in joi…
The War Proneness of Alliances
In the theoretical literature, alliances have been hypothesized to lead to war as well as away from war. This study statistically examines the relationship between the size of alliances and the war proneness of their members. Analyzing data on the war record of 126 major power alliances formed during the period 1816-1980, it is shown that the larger the alliance, the more wars each of its members is likely to be involved in. This result is consis…
The Unrealism of Contemporary Realism
Realist International Relations thinkers often intervene in political debates and criticize their governments' policies even as they pride themselves on theorizing politics as it “really” is. They rarely reflect on the following contradictions between their theory and their practice: if there is a “real world” impervious to political thought, why bother to try to influence it? And, is realist theory not putatively disconfirmed by the fact that re…
Can Political Science Emulate the Natural Sciences? The Problem of Self-Disconfirming Analysis
American political science has long aspired to emulate both the objective research methods of the natural sciences and their practical successes in controlling their objects of study. Regrettably, the putative tension between these two ambitions is rarely discussed. This essay seeks to touch off such a discussion by illuminating a significant problem that produces tension between objective knowledge accumulation and practical control of politics,…
Democracies May Rarely Fight One Another, but Developed Socialist States Rarely Fight at All
During the Cold War, US students of international relations paid relatively little attention to second image explanations of war.1 In recent years, though, one can clearly discern a growing emphasis on studying state structure and national attributes as causes of international outcomes. In particular, many recent studies focused on empirical investigations of the war/peace-proneness of countries. In these studies, little systematic evidence was f…
A Sociological Analysis of the Decline of American IR Theory
In recent years the centrality of grand, paradigmatic theory in American IR has eroded, with the vacuum being filled by largely atheoretical “hypothesis-testing” research. Although a heated debate has emerged on whether it is good or bad for IR, hardly anyone has tried to analyze this trend. I offer an analysis grounded in a conceptual framework elaborated by sociologist Richard Whitley. In the 1980s and 1990s IR approximated the type of social o…
How Can We Make Political Science Less Techno-Centric? Widen Rather than Narrow its Distance from the Government
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
The Indo-Pakistani Arms Competition
The author applies to South Asia a theory of armament that he developed in the context of the superpowers' arms rivalry. The empirical findings are consistent with the results for the superpowers' case: India and Pakistan are found to have matched high levels of armaments with low levels and vice versa. Such results are analytically similar to empirical evidence on alliances showing that states, including India and Pakistan, often ally with the s…
Is Culture Independent of National Security
The dominant, positivist, approach to the study of culture and national security specifies `culture' as an independent variable. It assumes that culture, and the study of culture, are uncontaminated by the politics of national security. This formulation contrasts with the dominant understanding of `culture' in the humanities, where culture and power are viewed as constituting a `nexus', and where politics is claimed to shape cultural knowledge, i…
Uncritical Portrayals of Fascist Italy and of Iberic-Latin Dictatorships in American Political Science
Historians have documented extensively the fascination of many American intellectuals with the Soviet Union and fascist Italy during the 1920s and 1930s (Diggins 1966; 1972; Feuer 1962; Filene 1967; Warren 1993). They have also drawn a compelling analogy between the sympathetic attitudes of American intellectuals toward Soviet Russia and the sympathy of a later generation of intellectuals towards Cuba, China and North Vietnam (Skotheim 1971: 96–1…
WMD
The danger posed by “weapons of mass destruction” (WMD) was the Bush administration’s chief justification for invading Iraq. Amid the din of the chorus that ceaselessly repeated this phrase in 2002-2003, hardly anyone stopped to ask: what is “WMD” anyway? Is it not a mutable social construct rather than a timeless, self-evident concept? Guided by Nietzsche’s view of the truth as a “mobile army of metaphors [and] metonyms ... which have been enhan…
Why has the United States not bombed Iran? The domestic politics of America's response to Iran's nuclear programme
Why has the United States (US), under both the Bush and Obama administrations, refrained from attacking Iran even though US officials have depicted the Iranian threat in all but apocalyptic terms and even though a loud chorus in Washington has been persistently calling for a preventive strike against Iran? I present an analysis—informed by Graham Allison's famous bureaucratic politics model—of the main political and bureaucratic forces in Washing…
The Enduring Relationship Between the American (National Security) State and the State of the Discipline
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Capability and hostile behavior in arms race models
The interplay of capability and hostile behavior as indicators of threat is under‐conceptualized in arms‐race research. I propose that the motivation (intentions) attributed to a state's hostile acts depends on its capability: the less capable it is, the stronger the motivation. Controlling for the amount of hostile acts, if a state's capability level rises overtime its intentions would appear less malign, hence the state might seemless threateni…
Schools of international affairs in the United States
Although disciplines are but one element of the institutional matrix of higher education, historians of International Relations (IR) rarely explore the field beyond its disciplinary context. To redress this lacuna, I sketch the history of professional international affairs (IA) schools in the United States. IA schools employ many IR scholars and train numerous practitioners, constituting a crucial interface between the IR academy and the policy w…
A Theory of Armament
I develop a theory explaining how states decide how much armament to acquire. The theory treats states as unitary optimizers choosing between guns and butter, and it offers a novel exposition of the role intentions play in armament decisions-how they are perceived, and how their assessment interacts with the assessment of power. One of the results deduced from the theory is that if statesmen worry about intentions more than about power, then high…
The War Proneness of Alliances
In the theoretical literature, alliances have been hypothesized to lead to war as well as away from war. This study statistically examines the relationship between the size of alliances and the war proneness of their members. Analyzing data on the war record of 126 major power alliances formed during the period 1816-1980, it is shown that the larger the alliance, the more wars each of its members is likely to be involved in. This result is consis…
Award Recipients
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button
The Indo-Pakistani Arms Competition
The author applies to South Asia a theory of armament that he developed in the context of the superpowers' arms rivalry. The empirical findings are consistent with the results for the superpowers' case: India and Pakistan are found to have matched high levels of armaments with low levels and vice versa. Such results are analytically similar to empirical evidence on alliances showing that states, including India and Pakistan, often ally with the s…
The Subjectivity of the "Democratic" Peace
Capability and hostile behavior in arms race models
The interplay of capability and hostile behavior as indicators of threat is under‐conceptualized in arms‐race research. I propose that the motivation (intentions) attributed to a state's hostile acts depends on its capability: the less capable it is, the stronger the motivation. Controlling for the amount of hostile acts, if a state's capability level rises overtime its intentions would appear less malign, hence the state might seemless threateni…
Democracies May Rarely Fight One Another, but Developed Socialist States Rarely Fight at All
During the Cold War, US students of international relations paid relatively little attention to second image explanations of war.1 In recent years, though, one can clearly discern a growing emphasis on studying state structure and national attributes as causes of international outcomes. In particular, many recent studies focused on empirical investigations of the war/peace-proneness of countries. In these studies, little systematic evidence was f…
A Theory of Armament
I develop a theory explaining how states decide how much armament to acquire. The theory treats states as unitary optimizers choosing between guns and butter, and it offers a novel exposition of the role intentions play in armament decisions-how they are perceived, and how their assessment interacts with the assessment of power. One of the results deduced from the theory is that if statesmen worry about intentions more than about power, then high…
Is Culture Independent of National Security
The dominant, positivist, approach to the study of culture and national security specifies `culture' as an independent variable. It assumes that culture, and the study of culture, are uncontaminated by the politics of national security. This formulation contrasts with the dominant understanding of `culture' in the humanities, where culture and power are viewed as constituting a `nexus', and where politics is claimed to shape cultural knowledge, i…
Uncritical Portrayals of Fascist Italy and of Iberic-Latin Dictatorships in American Political Science
Historians have documented extensively the fascination of many American intellectuals with the Soviet Union and fascist Italy during the 1920s and 1930s (Diggins 1966; 1972; Feuer 1962; Filene 1967; Warren 1993). They have also drawn a compelling analogy between the sympathetic attitudes of American intellectuals toward Soviet Russia and the sympathy of a later generation of intellectuals towards Cuba, China and North Vietnam (Skotheim 1971: 96–1…
Disarmament Sketches
Journal Article Disarmament Sketches: Three Decades of Arms Control and International Law Get access Disarmament Sketches: Three Decades of Arms Control and International Law by Thomas GrahamSeattle, University of Washington Press, 2002. 362 pp. $35.00. Ido Oren Ido Oren University of Florida Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Political Science Quarterly, Volume 117, Issue 4, Winter 2002, Pages 696–697, https…
The Enduring Relationship Between the American (National Security) State and the State of the Discipline
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Is Political Science Really Young
Kim Quaile Hill ( PS: Political Science and Politics , July 2004) seeks to debunk five “myths about the physical sciences” that “pose notable hurdles for appreciating the social sciences as legitimate scientific enterprise” (467). One of these myths is that “the physical sciences have always been highly successful in explaining their subject matter.” Hill complains that political science students are “ignorant of the history of science” and there…
Can Political Science Emulate the Natural Sciences? The Problem of Self-Disconfirming Analysis
American political science has long aspired to emulate both the objective research methods of the natural sciences and their practical successes in controlling their objects of study. Regrettably, the putative tension between these two ambitions is rarely discussed. This essay seeks to touch off such a discussion by illuminating a significant problem that produces tension between objective knowledge accumulation and practical control of politics,…
The Unrealism of Contemporary Realism
Realist International Relations thinkers often intervene in political debates and criticize their governments' policies even as they pride themselves on theorizing politics as it “really” is. They rarely reflect on the following contradictions between their theory and their practice: if there is a “real world” impervious to political thought, why bother to try to influence it? And, is realist theory not putatively disconfirmed by the fact that re…
Why has the United States not bombed Iran? The domestic politics of America's response to Iran's nuclear programme
Why has the United States (US), under both the Bush and Obama administrations, refrained from attacking Iran even though US officials have depicted the Iranian threat in all but apocalyptic terms and even though a loud chorus in Washington has been persistently calling for a preventive strike against Iran? I present an analysis—informed by Graham Allison's famous bureaucratic politics model—of the main political and bureaucratic forces in Washing…
WMD
The danger posed by “weapons of mass destruction” (WMD) was the Bush administration’s chief justification for invading Iraq. Amid the din of the chorus that ceaselessly repeated this phrase in 2002-2003, hardly anyone stopped to ask: what is “WMD” anyway? Is it not a mutable social construct rather than a timeless, self-evident concept? Guided by Nietzsche’s view of the truth as a “mobile army of metaphors [and] metonyms ... which have been enhan…
Wmd, Wmd, WMD
We seek to reinvigorate and clarify the Copenhagen School's insight that 'security' is not 'a sign that refers to something more real; the utterance ['security'] itself is the act'. We conceptualise the utterances of securitising actors as consisting not in arguments so much as in repetitive spouting of ambiguous phrases (WMD, rogue states, ethnic cleansing). We further propose that audience acceptance consists not in persuasion so much as in joi…
How Can We Make Political Science Less Techno-Centric? Widen Rather than Narrow its Distance from the Government
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
A Sociological Analysis of the Decline of American IR Theory
In recent years the centrality of grand, paradigmatic theory in American IR has eroded, with the vacuum being filled by largely atheoretical “hypothesis-testing” research. Although a heated debate has emerged on whether it is good or bad for IR, hardly anyone has tried to analyze this trend. I offer an analysis grounded in a conceptual framework elaborated by sociologist Richard Whitley. In the 1980s and 1990s IR approximated the type of social o…
Schools of international affairs in the United States
Although disciplines are but one element of the institutional matrix of higher education, historians of International Relations (IR) rarely explore the field beyond its disciplinary context. To redress this lacuna, I sketch the history of professional international affairs (IA) schools in the United States. IA schools employ many IR scholars and train numerous practitioners, constituting a crucial interface between the IR academy and the policy w…
Law (16 obras) · Political science (16 obras) · Law (14 obras) · Politics (10 obras) · Sociology (10 obras) · International Relations and Foreign Policy (9 obras) · Epistemology (8 obras) · Economics (6 obras) · Political economy (6 obras) · Computer Science (5 obras)