Na’ama Pat-El
Biographic Data
| ID | 2643858 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Na’ama Pat-El |
| GIVEN NAMES | Na’ama |
| FAMILY NAME | Pat-El |
| SIGNATURE | PAT-EL N |
| AFFILIATIONS | The University of Texas at Austin |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-7768-0476 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 11 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 7 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 11 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2012 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2025 |
| H-INDEX | 2 |
Semitic "Perfect" and the Problem of the Third Person Zero Morpheme
In many languages, third person forms in a verbal paradigm are unmarked, and scholars have suggested that such cases are either a result of loss or nondevelopment. In this article I will argue that in the perfect/stative paradigm in Semitic, the third person morphology is a result of nondevelopment. I suggest that these forms are constructed as predicative adjectives, without person markers, because Semitic never developed third person nominative…
Existential Angst
Curious Case of the Vanished Coordinative Conjunction in Neo-Assyrian
While most Akkadian dialects use two coordinators, a phrase and clause level u= and a clause level =ma, in the Neo-Assyrian period both are mostly missing from native Assyrian texts. Not only is lack of overt coordination exceptional among the Semitic languages, cross-linguistically asyndeton is a rare strategy, only attested in languages with no writing tradition. In this paper, we will concentrate on u=. We sketch the various environments where…
On the Akkadian adjectival masculine plural -ūtonce again
Assyriologists and Semitists have assumed that the attributive masculine plural morpheme -ūtfound in Akkadian is a secondary development in analogy with the feminine plural -āt. In this paper I suggest that this morpheme should be reconstructed to Proto-Semitic. My arguments are based on some attributive pronouns in West Semitic and the existence of a distinction between attributive and predicative plural morphology in both branches of Semitic
Features of Aramaeo-Canaanite
One of the sub-branches of Central Semitic, Northwest Semitic, contains a number of languages with no established hierarchical relation among them: Ugaritic, Aramaic, Canaanite, Deir Alla, and Samalian. Over the years, scholars have attempted to establish a more accurate sub-branching for Northwest Semitic or to suggest a different genetic affiliation for some languages, usually Ugaritic. In this paper, we will argue that Aramaic and Canaanite sh…
On the Alleged Unipartite Relatives in Semitic
In a recent paper, Cohen (2018) suggested that nominal sentences without overt subjects are a regular and common part of Semitic grammar. More specifically, he suggested that some arguments in Semitic relative clauses are gapped, namely are missing on a regular basis. This, he argued, is especially common in relative clauses where the predicate is a prepositional phrase. In the current paper, I argue that relative clauses exhibit the same syntax …
The Historical Syntax of the Subordinative Morphemes in Assyrian Akkadian
The Assyrian subordinative morphemes - u /- ni are treated as allomorphs with the same distribution and function. In this paper we will examine the syntax of these morphemes in Assyrian and argue that they are in fact two distinct morphemes with no allomorphic relation. We will further follow a number of significant syntactic developments in the use of the subordinative morphemes in Neo-Assyrian
The origin of the Semitic relative marker
All Semitic languages use a relative marker as at least one strategy of relativization, and all branches show reflexes or relics of reflexes of an interdental relative marker. The wide consensus that the relative pronoun was originally identical to the proximal demonstrative is based on the formal identity between the bases of the two in West Semitic, and on the wide attestation of the process Demonstrative > Relative in world languages. In this …
Introduction
Contact or Inheritance? Criteria for distinguishing internal and external change in genetically related languages
Several prominent scholars have recently doubted whether it is possible to differentiate borrowing from internal change, to the point that in some cases subgrouping is not feasible or is restricted (Dench, 2001; Dixon, 2001). Since a situation of prolonged and intense contact between closely related languages is very common, language contact and its results are a major problem if not a real hazard to historical linguistics. The main practical pro…
The Neo-Mandaic Dialect of Khorramshahr (review)
Reviewed by: The Neo-Mandaic Dialect of Khorramshahr Na’ama Pat-El The Neo-Mandaic Dialect of Khorramshahr. Charles G. Häberl. Semitica Viva 45. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2009. Pp. xxxiv + 378. €78 (hardcover). Modern dialects of Aramaic have attracted serious linguistic attention only in the last decade, although their study has been conducted for over a century. Despite their obvious interest for both linguists and anthropologists, they h…
The origin of the Semitic relative marker
All Semitic languages use a relative marker as at least one strategy of relativization, and all branches show reflexes or relics of reflexes of an interdental relative marker. The wide consensus that the relative pronoun was originally identical to the proximal demonstrative is based on the formal identity between the bases of the two in West Semitic, and on the wide attestation of the process Demonstrative > Relative in world languages. In this …
Contact or Inheritance? Criteria for distinguishing internal and external change in genetically related languages
Several prominent scholars have recently doubted whether it is possible to differentiate borrowing from internal change, to the point that in some cases subgrouping is not feasible or is restricted (Dench, 2001; Dixon, 2001). Since a situation of prolonged and intense contact between closely related languages is very common, language contact and its results are a major problem if not a real hazard to historical linguistics. The main practical pro…
On the Akkadian adjectival masculine plural -ūtonce again
Assyriologists and Semitists have assumed that the attributive masculine plural morpheme -ūtfound in Akkadian is a secondary development in analogy with the feminine plural -āt. In this paper I suggest that this morpheme should be reconstructed to Proto-Semitic. My arguments are based on some attributive pronouns in West Semitic and the existence of a distinction between attributive and predicative plural morphology in both branches of Semitic
Introduction
The Neo-Mandaic Dialect of Khorramshahr (review)
Reviewed by: The Neo-Mandaic Dialect of Khorramshahr Na’ama Pat-El The Neo-Mandaic Dialect of Khorramshahr. Charles G. Häberl. Semitica Viva 45. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2009. Pp. xxxiv + 378. €78 (hardcover). Modern dialects of Aramaic have attracted serious linguistic attention only in the last decade, although their study has been conducted for over a century. Despite their obvious interest for both linguists and anthropologists, they h…
Introduction
Contact or Inheritance? Criteria for distinguishing internal and external change in genetically related languages
Several prominent scholars have recently doubted whether it is possible to differentiate borrowing from internal change, to the point that in some cases subgrouping is not feasible or is restricted (Dench, 2001; Dixon, 2001). Since a situation of prolonged and intense contact between closely related languages is very common, language contact and its results are a major problem if not a real hazard to historical linguistics. The main practical pro…
The origin of the Semitic relative marker
All Semitic languages use a relative marker as at least one strategy of relativization, and all branches show reflexes or relics of reflexes of an interdental relative marker. The wide consensus that the relative pronoun was originally identical to the proximal demonstrative is based on the formal identity between the bases of the two in West Semitic, and on the wide attestation of the process Demonstrative > Relative in world languages. In this …
On the Alleged Unipartite Relatives in Semitic
In a recent paper, Cohen (2018) suggested that nominal sentences without overt subjects are a regular and common part of Semitic grammar. More specifically, he suggested that some arguments in Semitic relative clauses are gapped, namely are missing on a regular basis. This, he argued, is especially common in relative clauses where the predicate is a prepositional phrase. In the current paper, I argue that relative clauses exhibit the same syntax …
The Historical Syntax of the Subordinative Morphemes in Assyrian Akkadian
The Assyrian subordinative morphemes - u /- ni are treated as allomorphs with the same distribution and function. In this paper we will examine the syntax of these morphemes in Assyrian and argue that they are in fact two distinct morphemes with no allomorphic relation. We will further follow a number of significant syntactic developments in the use of the subordinative morphemes in Neo-Assyrian
Features of Aramaeo-Canaanite
One of the sub-branches of Central Semitic, Northwest Semitic, contains a number of languages with no established hierarchical relation among them: Ugaritic, Aramaic, Canaanite, Deir Alla, and Samalian. Over the years, scholars have attempted to establish a more accurate sub-branching for Northwest Semitic or to suggest a different genetic affiliation for some languages, usually Ugaritic. In this paper, we will argue that Aramaic and Canaanite sh…
On the Akkadian adjectival masculine plural -ūtonce again
Assyriologists and Semitists have assumed that the attributive masculine plural morpheme -ūtfound in Akkadian is a secondary development in analogy with the feminine plural -āt. In this paper I suggest that this morpheme should be reconstructed to Proto-Semitic. My arguments are based on some attributive pronouns in West Semitic and the existence of a distinction between attributive and predicative plural morphology in both branches of Semitic
Existential Angst
Curious Case of the Vanished Coordinative Conjunction in Neo-Assyrian
While most Akkadian dialects use two coordinators, a phrase and clause level u= and a clause level =ma, in the Neo-Assyrian period both are mostly missing from native Assyrian texts. Not only is lack of overt coordination exceptional among the Semitic languages, cross-linguistically asyndeton is a rare strategy, only attested in languages with no writing tradition. In this paper, we will concentrate on u=. We sketch the various environments where…
Semitic "Perfect" and the Problem of the Third Person Zero Morpheme
In many languages, third person forms in a verbal paradigm are unmarked, and scholars have suggested that such cases are either a result of loss or nondevelopment. In this article I will argue that in the perfect/stative paradigm in Semitic, the third person morphology is a result of nondevelopment. I suggest that these forms are constructed as predicative adjectives, without person markers, because Semitic never developed third person nominative…
Philosophy (11 works) · Linguistics (10 works) · History (8 works) · Arabic (7 works) · Semitic languages (7 works) · Ancient Near East History (6 works) · Computer Science (4 works) · Language, Linguistics, Cultural Analysis (4 works) · Akkadian (3 works) · Morpheme (3 works)