Sung Chul Jung
Biographic Data
| ID | 328744 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Sung Chul Jung |
| GIVEN NAMES | Sung Chul |
| FAMILY NAME | Jung |
| SIGNATURE | JUNG S C |
| AFFILIATIONS | Myongji University |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-2403-7065 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 12 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 46 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 12 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2013 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 3 |
Trilaterals and the Reorganisation of Northeast Asia’s Regional Order
In an era of intensifying competition over the international order in Northeast Asia, both major and non-major states have increasingly sought to use trilateral mechanisms distinct from bilateral and multilateral forms. In this context, this article aims to discuss various types, origins, and influences of trilateral relations in international politics, as well as current and historical trilateral relations that have contributed to the emergence …
Middle powers and minilateralism against hybrid threats in the Indo-Pacific: South Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan
Asian middle powers are adopting strategies to address emerging hybrid warfare threats by building a web of partnerships with capable and advanced states. This shows an inflection point in the foreign behaviours of Asian states, which have been largely regarded as hedgers between the US and China. To demonstrate the relationship between hybrid threats and complex alignment, this study focuses on three second-tier Indo-Pacific states: South Korea,…
Economic slowdowns and international conflict
This article examines whether and how economic slowdowns lead to military conflict. Although a weak economy (as reflected, for example, by high inflation and unemployment rates) has often been regarded as a cause of interstate conflict, this study proposes that worse economy, that is, a negative trend of growth rates, tends to make political leaders face domestic challenge from dissatisfied public and look for diversionary targets. In addition, i…
Sino-US Competition and the Emerging Network of Liberal Coalitions
As it witnesses rising Chinas assertive diplomacy and growing military might, Washington is seeking to restrain Beijings economic growth and technological development. The Biden administrations digital-liberal coalition initiative resonates with liberal states which have growing concerns about democratic backsliding all over the world and Chinas undue influence on other countries domestic politics and civil society. The United States and its libe…
The Indo-Pacific Strategy and US Alliance Network Expandability: Asian Middle Powers’ Positions on Sino-US Geostrategic Competition in Indo-Pacific Region
Will the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy lead to an extensive alliance network against China? This article shifts focus to non-Quad Asian states—in particular, Indonesia, Vietnam, and South Korea—that face a strategic dilemma in the US-China competition and examines their positions regarding a rising China and the Indo-Pacific strategy. While reluctant to join the US strategy for the Indo-Pacific region, Asian middle powers now aim to tame, rather t…
Lonely China, Popular United States: Power Transition and Alliance Politics in Asia
What will be the future of international relations in Asia? What is the relation between Sino–US power transition and alliance politics? This study distinguishes two types of paths for great powers: lonely and popular. The lonely rise means attaining great power without winning strong allies (the United States and China provide examples), while the popular rise refers to the process of becoming a great power by attracting security partners (e.g.,…
Unified Korea’s policy under various scenarios of the US-Sino relationship
What kind of policy goals and orientation would a unified Korea adopt? A concerned US asks, would it become a China-friendly state? Or, would it be an anchor for the American–Asian alliance network at the expense of China’s security interests? To address these questions, this article begins by identifying six possible scenarios for the US-Sino relationship at the time of a unification that result from the combination of (1) the relative power cap…
The Offensive Realists Are Not Wrong: China's Growth and Aggression, 1976–2001
Is China's rise a threat? Offensive realists see rising China as a main cause of global instability in the 21st century. Because all states seek security through power maximization, China will clash with the United States for regional hegemony in Asia. But critics of the offensive realist view emphasize common interests, global institutions, and domestic constraints, particularly since China's rapid growth makes the country more open to and depen…
Nuclear aggressors, nuclearizing targets: Nuclear weapon development and preventive conflict
What is the effect of the spread of nuclear weapons on interstate conflict? Do nuclearizing states invite preventive attacks? If so, which states are likely to take such military actions? After dividing states into three groups – nuclear, nuclearizing, and non-nuclear – this study argues that once a state starts to develop nuclear weapons, it becomes a likely target of preventive attacks due to its uncertain capability and intention. Nuclear stat…
Foreign Targets and Diversionary Conflict
When does domestic unrest lead to interstate conflict? I present the diversionary target theory that argues that domestically troubled states are more likely to use military force against some, but not all, states because political leaders prefer targets that can evoke their domestic audience's fear or greed in order to enjoy "rally-round-the-flag" effects. I suggest that the fear-producing targets are foreign states that exhibit rapidly rising p…
Searching for non-aggressive targets: Which states attract diversionary actions
Faced with the possibility of losing their position due to domestic opposition, political leaders may sometimes consider initiating a foreign conflict as a means to redirect attention away from domestic issues. In such instances, which states are most likely to become diversionary targets? This study assumes that unpopular leaders prefer small-scale conflicts that can create rally-round-the-flag effects without triggering substantial domestic opp…
Democratization and Alliance Commitment: US Democratizing Allies during the Gulf War
This study aims to analyze the effects of democratic transition on alliance commitment, focusing on political leaders’ types and civil–military relations. This work expects to find that democratizers are more likely to be faithful to their existing alliance partner when their political leaders are old elites who are reluctant to initiate drastic domestic reforms and when their political leaders try to reduce military’s influence on domestic affai…
Foreign Targets and Diversionary Conflict
When does domestic unrest lead to interstate conflict? I present the diversionary target theory that argues that domestically troubled states are more likely to use military force against some, but not all, states because political leaders prefer targets that can evoke their domestic audience's fear or greed in order to enjoy "rally-round-the-flag" effects. I suggest that the fear-producing targets are foreign states that exhibit rapidly rising p…
The Indo-Pacific Strategy and US Alliance Network Expandability: Asian Middle Powers’ Positions on Sino-US Geostrategic Competition in Indo-Pacific Region
Will the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy lead to an extensive alliance network against China? This article shifts focus to non-Quad Asian states—in particular, Indonesia, Vietnam, and South Korea—that face a strategic dilemma in the US-China competition and examines their positions regarding a rising China and the Indo-Pacific strategy. While reluctant to join the US strategy for the Indo-Pacific region, Asian middle powers now aim to tame, rather t…
Lonely China, Popular United States: Power Transition and Alliance Politics in Asia
What will be the future of international relations in Asia? What is the relation between Sino–US power transition and alliance politics? This study distinguishes two types of paths for great powers: lonely and popular. The lonely rise means attaining great power without winning strong allies (the United States and China provide examples), while the popular rise refers to the process of becoming a great power by attracting security partners (e.g.,…
The Offensive Realists Are Not Wrong: China's Growth and Aggression, 1976–2001
Is China's rise a threat? Offensive realists see rising China as a main cause of global instability in the 21st century. Because all states seek security through power maximization, China will clash with the United States for regional hegemony in Asia. But critics of the offensive realist view emphasize common interests, global institutions, and domestic constraints, particularly since China's rapid growth makes the country more open to and depen…
Middle powers and minilateralism against hybrid threats in the Indo-Pacific: South Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan
Asian middle powers are adopting strategies to address emerging hybrid warfare threats by building a web of partnerships with capable and advanced states. This shows an inflection point in the foreign behaviours of Asian states, which have been largely regarded as hedgers between the US and China. To demonstrate the relationship between hybrid threats and complex alignment, this study focuses on three second-tier Indo-Pacific states: South Korea,…
Searching for non-aggressive targets: Which states attract diversionary actions
Faced with the possibility of losing their position due to domestic opposition, political leaders may sometimes consider initiating a foreign conflict as a means to redirect attention away from domestic issues. In such instances, which states are most likely to become diversionary targets? This study assumes that unpopular leaders prefer small-scale conflicts that can create rally-round-the-flag effects without triggering substantial domestic opp…
Nuclear aggressors, nuclearizing targets: Nuclear weapon development and preventive conflict
What is the effect of the spread of nuclear weapons on interstate conflict? Do nuclearizing states invite preventive attacks? If so, which states are likely to take such military actions? After dividing states into three groups – nuclear, nuclearizing, and non-nuclear – this study argues that once a state starts to develop nuclear weapons, it becomes a likely target of preventive attacks due to its uncertain capability and intention. Nuclear stat…
Democratization and Alliance Commitment: US Democratizing Allies during the Gulf War
This study aims to analyze the effects of democratic transition on alliance commitment, focusing on political leaders’ types and civil–military relations. This work expects to find that democratizers are more likely to be faithful to their existing alliance partner when their political leaders are old elites who are reluctant to initiate drastic domestic reforms and when their political leaders try to reduce military’s influence on domestic affai…
Foreign Targets and Diversionary Conflict
When does domestic unrest lead to interstate conflict? I present the diversionary target theory that argues that domestically troubled states are more likely to use military force against some, but not all, states because political leaders prefer targets that can evoke their domestic audience's fear or greed in order to enjoy "rally-round-the-flag" effects. I suggest that the fear-producing targets are foreign states that exhibit rapidly rising p…
Searching for non-aggressive targets: Which states attract diversionary actions
Faced with the possibility of losing their position due to domestic opposition, political leaders may sometimes consider initiating a foreign conflict as a means to redirect attention away from domestic issues. In such instances, which states are most likely to become diversionary targets? This study assumes that unpopular leaders prefer small-scale conflicts that can create rally-round-the-flag effects without triggering substantial domestic opp…
Nuclear aggressors, nuclearizing targets: Nuclear weapon development and preventive conflict
What is the effect of the spread of nuclear weapons on interstate conflict? Do nuclearizing states invite preventive attacks? If so, which states are likely to take such military actions? After dividing states into three groups – nuclear, nuclearizing, and non-nuclear – this study argues that once a state starts to develop nuclear weapons, it becomes a likely target of preventive attacks due to its uncertain capability and intention. Nuclear stat…
Unified Korea’s policy under various scenarios of the US-Sino relationship
What kind of policy goals and orientation would a unified Korea adopt? A concerned US asks, would it become a China-friendly state? Or, would it be an anchor for the American–Asian alliance network at the expense of China’s security interests? To address these questions, this article begins by identifying six possible scenarios for the US-Sino relationship at the time of a unification that result from the combination of (1) the relative power cap…
The Offensive Realists Are Not Wrong: China's Growth and Aggression, 1976–2001
Is China's rise a threat? Offensive realists see rising China as a main cause of global instability in the 21st century. Because all states seek security through power maximization, China will clash with the United States for regional hegemony in Asia. But critics of the offensive realist view emphasize common interests, global institutions, and domestic constraints, particularly since China's rapid growth makes the country more open to and depen…
Lonely China, Popular United States: Power Transition and Alliance Politics in Asia
What will be the future of international relations in Asia? What is the relation between Sino–US power transition and alliance politics? This study distinguishes two types of paths for great powers: lonely and popular. The lonely rise means attaining great power without winning strong allies (the United States and China provide examples), while the popular rise refers to the process of becoming a great power by attracting security partners (e.g.,…
The Indo-Pacific Strategy and US Alliance Network Expandability: Asian Middle Powers’ Positions on Sino-US Geostrategic Competition in Indo-Pacific Region
Will the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy lead to an extensive alliance network against China? This article shifts focus to non-Quad Asian states—in particular, Indonesia, Vietnam, and South Korea—that face a strategic dilemma in the US-China competition and examines their positions regarding a rising China and the Indo-Pacific strategy. While reluctant to join the US strategy for the Indo-Pacific region, Asian middle powers now aim to tame, rather t…
Sino-US Competition and the Emerging Network of Liberal Coalitions
As it witnesses rising Chinas assertive diplomacy and growing military might, Washington is seeking to restrain Beijings economic growth and technological development. The Biden administrations digital-liberal coalition initiative resonates with liberal states which have growing concerns about democratic backsliding all over the world and Chinas undue influence on other countries domestic politics and civil society. The United States and its libe…
Middle powers and minilateralism against hybrid threats in the Indo-Pacific: South Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan
Asian middle powers are adopting strategies to address emerging hybrid warfare threats by building a web of partnerships with capable and advanced states. This shows an inflection point in the foreign behaviours of Asian states, which have been largely regarded as hedgers between the US and China. To demonstrate the relationship between hybrid threats and complex alignment, this study focuses on three second-tier Indo-Pacific states: South Korea,…
Economic slowdowns and international conflict
This article examines whether and how economic slowdowns lead to military conflict. Although a weak economy (as reflected, for example, by high inflation and unemployment rates) has often been regarded as a cause of interstate conflict, this study proposes that worse economy, that is, a negative trend of growth rates, tends to make political leaders face domestic challenge from dissatisfied public and look for diversionary targets. In addition, i…
Trilaterals and the Reorganisation of Northeast Asia’s Regional Order
In an era of intensifying competition over the international order in Northeast Asia, both major and non-major states have increasingly sought to use trilateral mechanisms distinct from bilateral and multilateral forms. In this context, this article aims to discuss various types, origins, and influences of trilateral relations in international politics, as well as current and historical trilateral relations that have contributed to the emergence …
International Relations and Foreign Policy (12 works) · Political science (11 works) · Economics (9 works) · Law (9 works) · Political economy (8 works) · Politics (8 works) · Development economics (7 works) · Law (7 works) · China (5 works) · Democracy (5 works)