Grant Dawson
Biographic Data
| ID | 3777281 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Grant Dawson |
| GIVEN NAMES | Grant |
| FAMILY NAME | Dawson |
| SIGNATURE | DAWSON G |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Nottingham Ningbo China |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-5384-2098 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 14 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 17 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 14 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2000 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2025 |
| H-INDEX | 3 |
Classical Realism, Practices, and Paradiplomacy
This article proposes a general theory of paradiplomacy based on Hans J. Morgenthau's classical realism (emphasizing emotions) and practices. It tests this theory on Canadian provincial international activities from 1945 to 2020. Morgenthau conceives of politics as a struggle for love and power that is universal but pluralistic in its social manifestations. Practices can be found everywhere, so variegated paradiplomacy practices are a global inev…
Mearsheimer, Realism, and the Ukraine War
The usefulness of ‘realism’ in explaining Russia’s decision to invade Ukraine has become a keenly contested debate not only in International Relations but in wider public intellectual discourse since the onset of the war in February 2022. At the centre of this debate is the punditry of John J. Mearsheimer, a prominent offensive realist who is a Professor of International Relations at the University of Chicago. This article argues that although Me…
No future for Libya with Gaddafi”
Why did Britain intervene in Libya in 2011? Several explanations suggest themselves: security, R2P and status. The article shows that status was a significant motivating factor, and this demonstrates a dynamic that helps to refine a classical realist theory of intervention. The article calls for status to be seen intrinsically and instrumentally, and for more attention to be paid to the related motive of revenge. The findings suggest (though do n…
Classical Realism, Status, and Emotions
This article draws on classical realism, status theory, and research on emotions to explain the Canada/Saudi Arabia diplomatic dispute (2018–) and its implications for global politics. These non-great powers should not be engaging in a protracted conflict according to most international relations (IR) theory. The article argues that status, in the form of political “struggle” over whose identity should be considered socially superior, is a necess…
"Review "Cathleen Kantner’s War and intervention in the Transnational Public Sphere
This MS is a short review (949 words) of the above noted book
Anthony Anderson, The Diplomat
"Anthony Anderson, The Diplomat: Lester Pearson and the Suez Crisis." American Review of Canadian Studies, 46(4), pp. 532–533
Player, partner and friend
Who Wants a Mission? Canadian Forces' Resistance to a Role in the UN Transition Assistance Group for Namibia, 1978
In order to develop a more balanced understanding of Canadian peacekeeping, this article explores questions about resistance to the Namibia mission in 1978. It argues that the Department of National Defence and the Canadian Forces resisted a role in order to protect institutional interests. They wanted influence over government decision-making on commitments, to avoid costs and to protect their personnel from extreme risk. Woven throughout was th…
Contact Africa
found Sam.1 This opening to a May 1977 telex helped further an intense and genuine foreign policy engagement in southern Africa by Canada and other western powers on the United Nations security council. Canada and West Germany were months into two-year temporary terms and were, along with the United States, the United Kingdom, and France, participating in a diplomatic contact (also called the five). Canada had been included by the others because …
Compulsion of Information from States and Due Process in Cases before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
The procurement of information in the sole possession of states is pivotal to the fair and expeditious conduct of trials before the ICTY. At the same time, states possessing sought-after information may have certain legitimate interests they wish to protect in relation to such material, for example national security interests. Taking into account the uniqueness of the ICTY as an institution created by the Security Council under Chapter VII of the…
The Ghosts of Medak Pocket
Independence in an Age of Empire
Preventing `a great moral evil
Bad Times and Good
It may not be war, but it sure as Hell ain't peace.'1 Thus did Major-General S.L. Arnold, the commander of all United States Army forces in the Unified Task Force, describe the situation in Somalia in January 1993. Sadly, those words have a certain resonance for the entire 1990s, arguably the most challenging period in United Nations history. Over the past decade the organization has been extremely busy
Mearsheimer, Realism, and the Ukraine War
The usefulness of ‘realism’ in explaining Russia’s decision to invade Ukraine has become a keenly contested debate not only in International Relations but in wider public intellectual discourse since the onset of the war in February 2022. At the centre of this debate is the punditry of John J. Mearsheimer, a prominent offensive realist who is a Professor of International Relations at the University of Chicago. This article argues that although Me…
No future for Libya with Gaddafi”
Why did Britain intervene in Libya in 2011? Several explanations suggest themselves: security, R2P and status. The article shows that status was a significant motivating factor, and this demonstrates a dynamic that helps to refine a classical realist theory of intervention. The article calls for status to be seen intrinsically and instrumentally, and for more attention to be paid to the related motive of revenge. The findings suggest (though do n…
Classical Realism, Status, and Emotions
This article draws on classical realism, status theory, and research on emotions to explain the Canada/Saudi Arabia diplomatic dispute (2018–) and its implications for global politics. These non-great powers should not be engaging in a protracted conflict according to most international relations (IR) theory. The article argues that status, in the form of political “struggle” over whose identity should be considered socially superior, is a necess…
Preventing `a great moral evil
Player, partner and friend
Who Wants a Mission? Canadian Forces' Resistance to a Role in the UN Transition Assistance Group for Namibia, 1978
In order to develop a more balanced understanding of Canadian peacekeeping, this article explores questions about resistance to the Namibia mission in 1978. It argues that the Department of National Defence and the Canadian Forces resisted a role in order to protect institutional interests. They wanted influence over government decision-making on commitments, to avoid costs and to protect their personnel from extreme risk. Woven throughout was th…
Contact Africa
found Sam.1 This opening to a May 1977 telex helped further an intense and genuine foreign policy engagement in southern Africa by Canada and other western powers on the United Nations security council. Canada and West Germany were months into two-year temporary terms and were, along with the United States, the United Kingdom, and France, participating in a diplomatic contact (also called the five). Canada had been included by the others because …
The Ghosts of Medak Pocket
Bad Times and Good
It may not be war, but it sure as Hell ain't peace.'1 Thus did Major-General S.L. Arnold, the commander of all United States Army forces in the Unified Task Force, describe the situation in Somalia in January 1993. Sadly, those words have a certain resonance for the entire 1990s, arguably the most challenging period in United Nations history. Over the past decade the organization has been extremely busy
Preventing `a great moral evil
Independence in an Age of Empire
The Ghosts of Medak Pocket
Compulsion of Information from States and Due Process in Cases before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
The procurement of information in the sole possession of states is pivotal to the fair and expeditious conduct of trials before the ICTY. At the same time, states possessing sought-after information may have certain legitimate interests they wish to protect in relation to such material, for example national security interests. Taking into account the uniqueness of the ICTY as an institution created by the Security Council under Chapter VII of the…
Contact Africa
found Sam.1 This opening to a May 1977 telex helped further an intense and genuine foreign policy engagement in southern Africa by Canada and other western powers on the United Nations security council. Canada and West Germany were months into two-year temporary terms and were, along with the United States, the United Kingdom, and France, participating in a diplomatic contact (also called the five). Canada had been included by the others because …
Who Wants a Mission? Canadian Forces' Resistance to a Role in the UN Transition Assistance Group for Namibia, 1978
In order to develop a more balanced understanding of Canadian peacekeeping, this article explores questions about resistance to the Namibia mission in 1978. It argues that the Department of National Defence and the Canadian Forces resisted a role in order to protect institutional interests. They wanted influence over government decision-making on commitments, to avoid costs and to protect their personnel from extreme risk. Woven throughout was th…
Player, partner and friend
Anthony Anderson, The Diplomat
"Anthony Anderson, The Diplomat: Lester Pearson and the Suez Crisis." American Review of Canadian Studies, 46(4), pp. 532–533
"Review "Cathleen Kantner’s War and intervention in the Transnational Public Sphere
This MS is a short review (949 words) of the above noted book
No future for Libya with Gaddafi”
Why did Britain intervene in Libya in 2011? Several explanations suggest themselves: security, R2P and status. The article shows that status was a significant motivating factor, and this demonstrates a dynamic that helps to refine a classical realist theory of intervention. The article calls for status to be seen intrinsically and instrumentally, and for more attention to be paid to the related motive of revenge. The findings suggest (though do n…
Classical Realism, Status, and Emotions
This article draws on classical realism, status theory, and research on emotions to explain the Canada/Saudi Arabia diplomatic dispute (2018–) and its implications for global politics. These non-great powers should not be engaging in a protracted conflict according to most international relations (IR) theory. The article argues that status, in the form of political “struggle” over whose identity should be considered socially superior, is a necess…
Mearsheimer, Realism, and the Ukraine War
The usefulness of ‘realism’ in explaining Russia’s decision to invade Ukraine has become a keenly contested debate not only in International Relations but in wider public intellectual discourse since the onset of the war in February 2022. At the centre of this debate is the punditry of John J. Mearsheimer, a prominent offensive realist who is a Professor of International Relations at the University of Chicago. This article argues that although Me…
Classical Realism, Practices, and Paradiplomacy
This article proposes a general theory of paradiplomacy based on Hans J. Morgenthau's classical realism (emphasizing emotions) and practices. It tests this theory on Canadian provincial international activities from 1945 to 2020. Morgenthau conceives of politics as a struggle for love and power that is universal but pluralistic in its social manifestations. Practices can be found everywhere, so variegated paradiplomacy practices are a global inev…
Political science (13 works) · Law (11 works) · Law (10 works) · Politics (7 works) · Sociology (7 works) · Economics (5 works) · Epistemology (5 works) · Philosophy (5 works) · Philosophy (5 works) · Global Peace and Security Dynamics (4 works)