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James Heartfield

Biographic Data

ID3784523
NAMEJames Heartfield
GIVEN NAMESJames
FAMILY NAMEHeartfield
SIGNATUREHEARTFIELD J
AFFILIATIONSUniversity of Westminster
VERIFIEDNo
TOTAL WORKS18
TOTAL CITATIONS7
WORKS AS AUTHOR18
WORKS AS EDITOR0
FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR2001
LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR2019
H-INDEX2
  • Blood-Stained Poppy

    Kevin Rooney, James Heartfield•BOOK•Blood-Stained Poppy•2019

  • The Scramble for Africa

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society was increasingly drawn in to the diplomatic maneuvers that led to the Great Powers of Europe into a “scramble for Africa”. The Society had worked with Leopold, King of the Belgians and his Congo International Association. They were disappointed that they had not been allowed to play a part in the 1884 Berlin Conference where control of the Congo was decided. The Society got some leverage by working wit…

  • Anti-Slavery in the Era of World Wars

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    In the First and Second World Wars the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society was found again to be defending the use of forced labor. Forced labor, in porterage and in raising crops, was extensive under the special conditions of war. At the end of the First War, and then again at the end of the Second, the prospect of international cooperation to fight for the rights of colonial peoples opened up. The Society played a key role in the League of…

  • Part One

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    In its first thirty years the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society built upon and consolidated the tradition of English anti-slavery. It was a new model of civic activism that was moral, rather than interest-based; that was outside of the state, but still addressed to Parliament and the Colonial Office; and that played a key role in articulating the outlook of middle-class England. Setting the terms of what was acceptable in out-of-doors camp…

  • Schisms

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery set itself the task of “universal emancipation” – that is of abolition worldwide, earning it the name of the first international human rights organization. At the outset the Society clashed in a number of schisms with rival activist groups. At a founding World Anti-Slavery Convention of 1840 the most lasting split between the London-based Society and the American followers of William Lloyd Garrison came. Garri…

  • Part Two

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    In the years from the closing of the Atlantic slave trade to the Brussels conference of 1890 the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery had become deeply committed to the European mission to civilise Africa, undertaken with the express purpose of abolishing the slave trade. Each step into the African continent led to the next, from the settlements on the Gold Coast to the mission in Zanzibar, and from there into East Africa, to the Sudan and the Congo.…

  • The Anti-Slavery Society into the Twentieth Century

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    At the opening of the twentieth century the Society was changing again. It was still more integrated into a growing imperial officialdom but the most forward of its leaders, Secretary Charles Allen, clashed with his committee. There were tensions in the Society over imperial projects and over the Boer War. The high watermark of interest in Africa was waning and the Society’s public campaigning fell away. Newer members of the Committee included Jo…

  • Africa before the ‘Scramble’

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society naturally had a special interest in the government of the British outposts on the West Coast of Africa, which had grown up under the anti-slavery system. Commercial outposts and religious missions encouraged interest in the Gold Coast, among the Asante, and in Nigeria. Traders and missionaries not only brought back shocking stories of slave raids and markets, but they also excited interest in the Afric…

  • Slave Trade Diplomacy

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    The British government drew extensively on the anti-slavery society in making foreign policy. Anti-slavery was made a central plank of diplomatic efforts and Britain put anti-slavery clauses into international treaties. A “West Africa Squadron” of naval cruisers policed the Atlantic Ocean to enforce the treaties. Special “mixed commission” courts were set up with other powers, like Spain, Portugal, the United States and France, to try ships’ offi…

  • The Anti-Slavery Society turns to East Africa

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    In the decade after the end of the Atlantic slave trade the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society underwent a marked turnover of its leadership. Joseph Sturge had died in 1859 and he was followed by Lord Brougham in 1868, while the Society’s secretary Louis Chamerovzow retired. After some uncertainty the Society appointed Charles Allen, who took it in the direction of a more positive engagement with Africa and colonization. Along with the Reve…

  • Zanzibar

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    The Arab slave trade was mostly carried on from Zanzibar, under its Omani Sultans, Seyyid Majid and Syed Barghash. The Sultans of Zanzibar owed their thrones to the support of the British Empire, an hypocrisy that the missionary David Livingstone highlighted. The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society took up the campaign against the Sultans with the support of the military campaigner Sir Henry Bartle Frere and the consular official John Kirk. …

  • The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1838–1956

    James Heartfield•BOOK•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017•Cited by: 2

    This is the first comprehensive history of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS), from its founding in 1838. The Society, set up by Quaker Joseph Sturge and Lord Henry Brougham after the abolition of slavery in the Empire, married the campaigning anti-slavery movement with the British mission to civilize the world. The BFASS took up the cause of slavery practiced by other countries, often rivals, like the United States, France, Spa…

  • Demobilising the nation

    Open Access•James Heartfield•ARTICLE•International Politics•2009•Cited by: 2•References: 6

  • Differentiating the Chinese

    James Heartfield•ARTICLE•Ethnopolitics•2006

    Dislocating China: Muslims, Minorities and Other Subaltern Subjects Dru Gladney London, Hurst, 2004, 414 pp., ISBN 1-86065-324-0 Ethnic Distinctions, Local Meanings: Negotiating Cultural Identities

  • You are not a White Woman

    James Heartfield•ARTICLE•Journal of Pacific History•2003

    During her trial for assault in Fiji in 1915, Stella Spencer was accused of improperly associating with and even making love to native Fijians, in such a way as to prejudice the order of the colony. The background to the trial was Spencer's work on behalf of the populist Fijian leader of the Viti Company, Apolosi Nawai. As well as using the trial in an attempt to vilify Nawai as a crook, the European colonists asserted a harsh racial division wit…

  • Postmodern Desertions Capitalism and Anti-Capitalism

    James Heartfield•ARTICLE•Interventions•2003•Cited by: 1

    Amongst the world leaders faith in the capitalist system is threadbare. With a declining base of popular legitimacy, contemporary elites lack the con­fidence to steer the world in any direction of their own. In many ways the protestors simply reflect the inner loss of certainty suffered by elites – giving it an external manifestation. The criticisms of the anti-capitalist movement have been indulged to a surprising extent. At the World Bank, at t…

  • The Dark Races Against the Light'? Official Reaction to the 1959 Fiji Riots

    James Heartfield•ARTICLE•Journal of Pacific History•2002•Cited by: 2•References: 2

    Rioting that followed clashes between police and strikers in Suva in December 1959 was interpreted by the authorities and the European minority as being motivated by anti-European feeling. But the racial interpretation of the strike tells us more about the authorities' own fears of solidarity between Indians and Fijians than it does about the strikers actual motivations, which were simply to advance an economic demand. The racialisation of the di…

  • Commentary

    James Heartfield•ARTICLE•Cultural Trends•2001•References: 1

  • The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1838–1956

    James Heartfield•BOOK•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017•Cited by: 2

    This is the first comprehensive history of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS), from its founding in 1838. The Society, set up by Quaker Joseph Sturge and Lord Henry Brougham after the abolition of slavery in the Empire, married the campaigning anti-slavery movement with the British mission to civilize the world. The BFASS took up the cause of slavery practiced by other countries, often rivals, like the United States, France, Spa…

  • Demobilising the nation

    Open Access•James Heartfield•ARTICLE•International Politics•2009•Cited by: 2•References: 6

  • The Dark Races Against the Light'? Official Reaction to the 1959 Fiji Riots

    James Heartfield•ARTICLE•Journal of Pacific History•2002•Cited by: 2•References: 2

    Rioting that followed clashes between police and strikers in Suva in December 1959 was interpreted by the authorities and the European minority as being motivated by anti-European feeling. But the racial interpretation of the strike tells us more about the authorities' own fears of solidarity between Indians and Fijians than it does about the strikers actual motivations, which were simply to advance an economic demand. The racialisation of the di…

  • Postmodern Desertions Capitalism and Anti-Capitalism

    James Heartfield•ARTICLE•Interventions•2003•Cited by: 1

    Amongst the world leaders faith in the capitalist system is threadbare. With a declining base of popular legitimacy, contemporary elites lack the con­fidence to steer the world in any direction of their own. In many ways the protestors simply reflect the inner loss of certainty suffered by elites – giving it an external manifestation. The criticisms of the anti-capitalist movement have been indulged to a surprising extent. At the World Bank, at t…

  • Commentary

    James Heartfield•ARTICLE•Cultural Trends•2001•References: 1

  • The Dark Races Against the Light'? Official Reaction to the 1959 Fiji Riots

    James Heartfield•ARTICLE•Journal of Pacific History•2002•Cited by: 2•References: 2

    Rioting that followed clashes between police and strikers in Suva in December 1959 was interpreted by the authorities and the European minority as being motivated by anti-European feeling. But the racial interpretation of the strike tells us more about the authorities' own fears of solidarity between Indians and Fijians than it does about the strikers actual motivations, which were simply to advance an economic demand. The racialisation of the di…

  • You are not a White Woman

    James Heartfield•ARTICLE•Journal of Pacific History•2003

    During her trial for assault in Fiji in 1915, Stella Spencer was accused of improperly associating with and even making love to native Fijians, in such a way as to prejudice the order of the colony. The background to the trial was Spencer's work on behalf of the populist Fijian leader of the Viti Company, Apolosi Nawai. As well as using the trial in an attempt to vilify Nawai as a crook, the European colonists asserted a harsh racial division wit…

  • Postmodern Desertions Capitalism and Anti-Capitalism

    James Heartfield•ARTICLE•Interventions•2003•Cited by: 1

    Amongst the world leaders faith in the capitalist system is threadbare. With a declining base of popular legitimacy, contemporary elites lack the con­fidence to steer the world in any direction of their own. In many ways the protestors simply reflect the inner loss of certainty suffered by elites – giving it an external manifestation. The criticisms of the anti-capitalist movement have been indulged to a surprising extent. At the World Bank, at t…

  • Differentiating the Chinese

    James Heartfield•ARTICLE•Ethnopolitics•2006

    Dislocating China: Muslims, Minorities and Other Subaltern Subjects Dru Gladney London, Hurst, 2004, 414 pp., ISBN 1-86065-324-0 Ethnic Distinctions, Local Meanings: Negotiating Cultural Identities

  • Demobilising the nation

    Open Access•James Heartfield•ARTICLE•International Politics•2009•Cited by: 2•References: 6

  • The Scramble for Africa

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society was increasingly drawn in to the diplomatic maneuvers that led to the Great Powers of Europe into a “scramble for Africa”. The Society had worked with Leopold, King of the Belgians and his Congo International Association. They were disappointed that they had not been allowed to play a part in the 1884 Berlin Conference where control of the Congo was decided. The Society got some leverage by working wit…

  • Anti-Slavery in the Era of World Wars

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    In the First and Second World Wars the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society was found again to be defending the use of forced labor. Forced labor, in porterage and in raising crops, was extensive under the special conditions of war. At the end of the First War, and then again at the end of the Second, the prospect of international cooperation to fight for the rights of colonial peoples opened up. The Society played a key role in the League of…

  • Part One

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    In its first thirty years the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society built upon and consolidated the tradition of English anti-slavery. It was a new model of civic activism that was moral, rather than interest-based; that was outside of the state, but still addressed to Parliament and the Colonial Office; and that played a key role in articulating the outlook of middle-class England. Setting the terms of what was acceptable in out-of-doors camp…

  • Schisms

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery set itself the task of “universal emancipation” – that is of abolition worldwide, earning it the name of the first international human rights organization. At the outset the Society clashed in a number of schisms with rival activist groups. At a founding World Anti-Slavery Convention of 1840 the most lasting split between the London-based Society and the American followers of William Lloyd Garrison came. Garri…

  • Part Two

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    In the years from the closing of the Atlantic slave trade to the Brussels conference of 1890 the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery had become deeply committed to the European mission to civilise Africa, undertaken with the express purpose of abolishing the slave trade. Each step into the African continent led to the next, from the settlements on the Gold Coast to the mission in Zanzibar, and from there into East Africa, to the Sudan and the Congo.…

  • The Anti-Slavery Society into the Twentieth Century

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    At the opening of the twentieth century the Society was changing again. It was still more integrated into a growing imperial officialdom but the most forward of its leaders, Secretary Charles Allen, clashed with his committee. There were tensions in the Society over imperial projects and over the Boer War. The high watermark of interest in Africa was waning and the Society’s public campaigning fell away. Newer members of the Committee included Jo…

  • Africa before the ‘Scramble’

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society naturally had a special interest in the government of the British outposts on the West Coast of Africa, which had grown up under the anti-slavery system. Commercial outposts and religious missions encouraged interest in the Gold Coast, among the Asante, and in Nigeria. Traders and missionaries not only brought back shocking stories of slave raids and markets, but they also excited interest in the Afric…

  • Slave Trade Diplomacy

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    The British government drew extensively on the anti-slavery society in making foreign policy. Anti-slavery was made a central plank of diplomatic efforts and Britain put anti-slavery clauses into international treaties. A “West Africa Squadron” of naval cruisers policed the Atlantic Ocean to enforce the treaties. Special “mixed commission” courts were set up with other powers, like Spain, Portugal, the United States and France, to try ships’ offi…

  • The Anti-Slavery Society turns to East Africa

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    In the decade after the end of the Atlantic slave trade the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society underwent a marked turnover of its leadership. Joseph Sturge had died in 1859 and he was followed by Lord Brougham in 1868, while the Society’s secretary Louis Chamerovzow retired. After some uncertainty the Society appointed Charles Allen, who took it in the direction of a more positive engagement with Africa and colonization. Along with the Reve…

  • Zanzibar

    James Heartfield•CHAPTER•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017

    The Arab slave trade was mostly carried on from Zanzibar, under its Omani Sultans, Seyyid Majid and Syed Barghash. The Sultans of Zanzibar owed their thrones to the support of the British Empire, an hypocrisy that the missionary David Livingstone highlighted. The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society took up the campaign against the Sultans with the support of the military campaigner Sir Henry Bartle Frere and the consular official John Kirk. …

  • The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1838–1956

    James Heartfield•BOOK•British and Foreign Anti-Slavery…•2017•Cited by: 2

    This is the first comprehensive history of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS), from its founding in 1838. The Society, set up by Quaker Joseph Sturge and Lord Henry Brougham after the abolition of slavery in the Empire, married the campaigning anti-slavery movement with the British mission to civilize the world. The BFASS took up the cause of slavery practiced by other countries, often rivals, like the United States, France, Spa…

  • Blood-Stained Poppy

    Kevin Rooney, James Heartfield•BOOK•Blood-Stained Poppy•2019

Political science (13 works) · Colonialism, slavery, and trade (9 works) · Law (9 works) · African history and culture studies (8 works) · History (8 works) · Politics (7 works) · Global Maritime and Colonial Histories (6 works) · Sociology (5 works) · Ancient history (4 works) · Colonialism (3 works)

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