Ian S Spears
Biographic Data
| ID | 380748 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Ian S Spears |
| GIVEN NAMES | Ian S |
| FAMILY NAME | Spears |
| SIGNATURE | SPEARS I S |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Guelph |
| VERIFIED | No |
| TOTAL WORKS | 17 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 85 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 17 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1999 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2017 |
| H-INDEX | 5 |
Peace agreements end war but do they necessarily bring peace
Evaluating ‘two-state condominialism’: A new approach to resolving the Israeli–Palestinian conflict
At a time when Israelis and Palestinians are gathering in Washington to consider peace in the Middle East, most attention is focused on the idea of a one-state or, more likely, two-state solution. A number of scholars, however, have recently developed a third approach which has been appropriately referred to as a ‘two-state condominialism’. This approach seeks to overcome the liabilities of the two existing approaches to solving the Middle East c…
Africa's Informal Power-Sharing and the Prospects for Peace
Power-sharing and inclusion continue to inform contemporary approaches to conflict resolution and post-conflict governance in Africa. But aside from power-sharing efforts in relatively well-institutionalized countries such as South Africa and Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, most efforts at formal inclusion have been short-lived. Indeed, many high-profile experiences in power-sharing governments have been failures. African governments and opposition groups do …
The False Promise of Peacebuilding
Four years after signing of 2001 Bonn which sought to re-establish a state in Afghanistan, American officials voiced unqualified optimism about country's future. James Dobbins, former US special envoy, claimed that agreement had moved Afghanistan toward its intended goal of a more peaceful and inclusive democracy. Bonn agreement, he said, been a remarkably successful road map toward Afghanistan's political evolution, in which all of its benchmark…
Human Security and the State in Africa
The most recent major document on human security tells us more about the ideal of human security than how this worthy objective can best be achieved. This is a problem because most African states were created to serve as a bulwark against further colonial rule rather than provide domestic order and protection for their citizens. Many African states have since become battlegrounds for ethnic or economic struggles. Neither a new and committed Afric…
When Good Governments Go Bad: Leadership and the Limits of Intervention in Africa
Observers of the African political scene have heralded the election of President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. Under the headline hope, one editorial offered the vision that this leader-a woman no less-could finally reverse Liberia's cruel slide into violent depravity. One day earlier, the New York Times published its own editorial entitled Mr. Good Governance gone bad, which observed how Ethiopia's prime minister, Meles Zenawi, once regarded in the inf…
Towards Durable Peace: A Tribute to Robert O. Matthews
It is with great pleasure that I introduce this collection of essays that celebrate the career of Robert O. Matthews. Bob Matthews is well known to long-time readers of the International Journal, having served, alongside Charles Pentland, as its co-editor from the summer 1984 issue to the spring 1992 issue. Bob has continued to make contributions to the IJ in recent years and it is particularly appropriate that this issue be dedicated to his care…
Debating Secession and the Recognition of New States in Africa
states remain unable to meet the most basic development needs of their respective citizenries after more than 40 years of political independence. In fact, many of these states were viable during the Cold War only with the assistance of their patron superpowers. Few appear viable now. Despite the promises of peace and prosperity that came with the Cold War’s end, a number of states have since dissolved into civil war. From Angola in the south to L…
Reflections on Somaliland & Africa's Territorial Order
This article examines the arguments for and against reforming the African state system in order to create more viable and peaceful states. It argues that while such a process has the potential to be enormously disruptive, selective recognition of some 'states-within-states', such as Somaliland, does offer promising approaches to more effective governance and more viable and coherent states
The Skull beneath the Skin: Africa after the Cold War
Africa: The Limits of Power-Sharing
An examination of recent high-profile peace processes in Sierra Leone, Angola, and Rwanda suggests that power-sharing is a surprisingly unstable form of government that, even at the best of times, provides only a short-term reprieve from violent conflict. Other than as transitional remedies, power-sharing agreements are virtually unworkable. As I have argued elsewhere, in the aftermath of civil war, power-sharing agreements are difficult to arriv…
Transforming Development: Foreign Aid for a Changing World
Building confidence amidst Africa's civil wars: The opportunities and constraints
Confidence building measures (CBMs) are frequently criticized as being superfluous to processes of conflict resolution. This article argues that, on the contrary, in the uncertainties of civil wars, CBMs have an important role in stabilising peace processes. It seeks to fill a vacuum in the literature on confidence building by considering specifically African contexts of conflict resolution. The essay outlines the central obstacles to building co…
Understanding inclusive peace agreements in Africa: The problems of sharing power
Power sharing has increasingly been seen as a way out of otherwise intransigent conflicts in multi-ethnic African societies. Yet power sharing has obvious problems: power sharing agreements are difficult to arrive at, even more difficult to implement, and even when implemented, such agreements rarely stand the test of time. Indeed, there are relatively few historical examples of successful, formalised power sharing in Africa which would warrant i…
Power-Sharing and Conflict Resolution in Africa: A Review of the Case Study Literature
Power-Sharing and Conflict Resolution in Africa: A Review of the Case Study Literature
Angola's Elusive Peace: The Collapse of the Lusaka Accord
In December 1998, Angola's Fragile Peace once again gave way to all out war between UNITA and the governing MPLA.(f.1) The Lusaka Protocol, signed in November 1994, became just another temporary respite from Angola's long history of violent conflict. Since independence in 1975, peace has been almost unknown to most Angolans. What began as a pre-independence rivalry between three nationalist movements evolved into a civil war between two of them. …
Africa: The Limits of Power-Sharing
An examination of recent high-profile peace processes in Sierra Leone, Angola, and Rwanda suggests that power-sharing is a surprisingly unstable form of government that, even at the best of times, provides only a short-term reprieve from violent conflict. Other than as transitional remedies, power-sharing agreements are virtually unworkable. As I have argued elsewhere, in the aftermath of civil war, power-sharing agreements are difficult to arriv…
Understanding inclusive peace agreements in Africa: The problems of sharing power
Power sharing has increasingly been seen as a way out of otherwise intransigent conflicts in multi-ethnic African societies. Yet power sharing has obvious problems: power sharing agreements are difficult to arrive at, even more difficult to implement, and even when implemented, such agreements rarely stand the test of time. Indeed, there are relatively few historical examples of successful, formalised power sharing in Africa which would warrant i…
Angola's Elusive Peace: The Collapse of the Lusaka Accord
In December 1998, Angola's Fragile Peace once again gave way to all out war between UNITA and the governing MPLA.(f.1) The Lusaka Protocol, signed in November 1994, became just another temporary respite from Angola's long history of violent conflict. Since independence in 1975, peace has been almost unknown to most Angolans. What began as a pre-independence rivalry between three nationalist movements evolved into a civil war between two of them. …
Africa's Informal Power-Sharing and the Prospects for Peace
Power-sharing and inclusion continue to inform contemporary approaches to conflict resolution and post-conflict governance in Africa. But aside from power-sharing efforts in relatively well-institutionalized countries such as South Africa and Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, most efforts at formal inclusion have been short-lived. Indeed, many high-profile experiences in power-sharing governments have been failures. African governments and opposition groups do …
Reflections on Somaliland & Africa's Territorial Order
This article examines the arguments for and against reforming the African state system in order to create more viable and peaceful states. It argues that while such a process has the potential to be enormously disruptive, selective recognition of some 'states-within-states', such as Somaliland, does offer promising approaches to more effective governance and more viable and coherent states
The False Promise of Peacebuilding
Four years after signing of 2001 Bonn which sought to re-establish a state in Afghanistan, American officials voiced unqualified optimism about country's future. James Dobbins, former US special envoy, claimed that agreement had moved Afghanistan toward its intended goal of a more peaceful and inclusive democracy. Bonn agreement, he said, been a remarkably successful road map toward Afghanistan's political evolution, in which all of its benchmark…
Building confidence amidst Africa's civil wars: The opportunities and constraints
Confidence building measures (CBMs) are frequently criticized as being superfluous to processes of conflict resolution. This article argues that, on the contrary, in the uncertainties of civil wars, CBMs have an important role in stabilising peace processes. It seeks to fill a vacuum in the literature on confidence building by considering specifically African contexts of conflict resolution. The essay outlines the central obstacles to building co…
Debating Secession and the Recognition of New States in Africa
states remain unable to meet the most basic development needs of their respective citizenries after more than 40 years of political independence. In fact, many of these states were viable during the Cold War only with the assistance of their patron superpowers. Few appear viable now. Despite the promises of peace and prosperity that came with the Cold War’s end, a number of states have since dissolved into civil war. From Angola in the south to L…
Human Security and the State in Africa
The most recent major document on human security tells us more about the ideal of human security than how this worthy objective can best be achieved. This is a problem because most African states were created to serve as a bulwark against further colonial rule rather than provide domestic order and protection for their citizens. Many African states have since become battlegrounds for ethnic or economic struggles. Neither a new and committed Afric…
Transforming Development: Foreign Aid for a Changing World
Power-Sharing and Conflict Resolution in Africa: A Review of the Case Study Literature
Power-Sharing and Conflict Resolution in Africa: A Review of the Case Study Literature
Angola's Elusive Peace: The Collapse of the Lusaka Accord
In December 1998, Angola's Fragile Peace once again gave way to all out war between UNITA and the governing MPLA.(f.1) The Lusaka Protocol, signed in November 1994, became just another temporary respite from Angola's long history of violent conflict. Since independence in 1975, peace has been almost unknown to most Angolans. What began as a pre-independence rivalry between three nationalist movements evolved into a civil war between two of them. …
Building confidence amidst Africa's civil wars: The opportunities and constraints
Confidence building measures (CBMs) are frequently criticized as being superfluous to processes of conflict resolution. This article argues that, on the contrary, in the uncertainties of civil wars, CBMs have an important role in stabilising peace processes. It seeks to fill a vacuum in the literature on confidence building by considering specifically African contexts of conflict resolution. The essay outlines the central obstacles to building co…
Understanding inclusive peace agreements in Africa: The problems of sharing power
Power sharing has increasingly been seen as a way out of otherwise intransigent conflicts in multi-ethnic African societies. Yet power sharing has obvious problems: power sharing agreements are difficult to arrive at, even more difficult to implement, and even when implemented, such agreements rarely stand the test of time. Indeed, there are relatively few historical examples of successful, formalised power sharing in Africa which would warrant i…
Transforming Development: Foreign Aid for a Changing World
Africa: The Limits of Power-Sharing
An examination of recent high-profile peace processes in Sierra Leone, Angola, and Rwanda suggests that power-sharing is a surprisingly unstable form of government that, even at the best of times, provides only a short-term reprieve from violent conflict. Other than as transitional remedies, power-sharing agreements are virtually unworkable. As I have argued elsewhere, in the aftermath of civil war, power-sharing agreements are difficult to arriv…
Reflections on Somaliland & Africa's Territorial Order
This article examines the arguments for and against reforming the African state system in order to create more viable and peaceful states. It argues that while such a process has the potential to be enormously disruptive, selective recognition of some 'states-within-states', such as Somaliland, does offer promising approaches to more effective governance and more viable and coherent states
The Skull beneath the Skin: Africa after the Cold War
Debating Secession and the Recognition of New States in Africa
states remain unable to meet the most basic development needs of their respective citizenries after more than 40 years of political independence. In fact, many of these states were viable during the Cold War only with the assistance of their patron superpowers. Few appear viable now. Despite the promises of peace and prosperity that came with the Cold War’s end, a number of states have since dissolved into civil war. From Angola in the south to L…
Towards Durable Peace: A Tribute to Robert O. Matthews
It is with great pleasure that I introduce this collection of essays that celebrate the career of Robert O. Matthews. Bob Matthews is well known to long-time readers of the International Journal, having served, alongside Charles Pentland, as its co-editor from the summer 1984 issue to the spring 1992 issue. Bob has continued to make contributions to the IJ in recent years and it is particularly appropriate that this issue be dedicated to his care…
Human Security and the State in Africa
The most recent major document on human security tells us more about the ideal of human security than how this worthy objective can best be achieved. This is a problem because most African states were created to serve as a bulwark against further colonial rule rather than provide domestic order and protection for their citizens. Many African states have since become battlegrounds for ethnic or economic struggles. Neither a new and committed Afric…
When Good Governments Go Bad: Leadership and the Limits of Intervention in Africa
Observers of the African political scene have heralded the election of President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. Under the headline hope, one editorial offered the vision that this leader-a woman no less-could finally reverse Liberia's cruel slide into violent depravity. One day earlier, the New York Times published its own editorial entitled Mr. Good Governance gone bad, which observed how Ethiopia's prime minister, Meles Zenawi, once regarded in the inf…
The False Promise of Peacebuilding
Four years after signing of 2001 Bonn which sought to re-establish a state in Afghanistan, American officials voiced unqualified optimism about country's future. James Dobbins, former US special envoy, claimed that agreement had moved Afghanistan toward its intended goal of a more peaceful and inclusive democracy. Bonn agreement, he said, been a remarkably successful road map toward Afghanistan's political evolution, in which all of its benchmark…
Africa's Informal Power-Sharing and the Prospects for Peace
Power-sharing and inclusion continue to inform contemporary approaches to conflict resolution and post-conflict governance in Africa. But aside from power-sharing efforts in relatively well-institutionalized countries such as South Africa and Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, most efforts at formal inclusion have been short-lived. Indeed, many high-profile experiences in power-sharing governments have been failures. African governments and opposition groups do …
Evaluating ‘two-state condominialism’: A new approach to resolving the Israeli–Palestinian conflict
At a time when Israelis and Palestinians are gathering in Washington to consider peace in the Middle East, most attention is focused on the idea of a one-state or, more likely, two-state solution. A number of scholars, however, have recently developed a third approach which has been appropriately referred to as a ‘two-state condominialism’. This approach seeks to overcome the liabilities of the two existing approaches to solving the Middle East c…
Peace agreements end war but do they necessarily bring peace
Political science (17 works) · Global Peace and Security Dynamics (13 works) · Law (13 works) · Political economy (13 works) · Law (12 works) · Sociology (11 works) · Economics (7 works) · Computer Science (6 works) · Political Conflict and Governance (6 works) · Conflict resolution (5 works)